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743 AND 745 Broadway 




The reader having now advanced well into the Memoirs 
of Prince Metternich, a few remarks as to their arrange- 
ment may not be without interest. 

The two volumes already published contain a history 
of the Prince's career from 1773 to the peace of 1815, 
chiefly in the Memoirs he left behind him. These 
Memoirs do not extend, however, in their completed 
form beyond the period of the Congress of Vienna, with 
a brief exception during the closing years of the Prince's 

The history of the important events contained in 
the present volumes is drawn, therefore, from the private 
correspondence of Prince Metternich, which is at this 
period very copious and interesting, and, being addressed 
to members of his family or to intimate friends, is less 
formal than the autobiography. We here meet also 
with the first impressions of the Prince on the events 
of the day, imparted freely in confidence, with no idea 
of their future publication, to some of the chief per- 
sonages of the State. 

The present volumes deal principally witli the inter- 
nal affairs of the Austrian Empire in the years 181G and 
1817 ; the period of the Congresses, 1818 to 1822 ; and 


the complications arising from the Russian advance 
upon Turkey, ending in 1829. 

The succeeding vohimes will embrace the period 
from the July Revolution of 1830 to the retirement of 
Prince Metternich in 1848, also the last eleven years of 
the Prince's hfe. 

The reception which the earlier volumes of this 
work have met with from the public is a proof of the 
universal and lively interest taken in the life of the 
great Chancellor. 

In the criticisms which have appeared, notwith- 
standing the diversities of national feeling and senti- 
ment, the master-spirit of the great statesman, and the 
important role he played during the most brilliant 
2:)eriod of Austria's power, are unanimously acknow- 

A fresh generation has sprung up. These Memoirs 
will place before it a life-like portrait of Prince Metter- 







YEARS 1816, 1817. 

The Year 1816: 

Ideas on a Concordat of all the States of the German Confedera- 
tion with the Ivomau Court (208) . . . 

The Treaty of Munich concerning the Cession of Detached Portions 
of the Country of Bavaria to Austria (210) . 

Metteruicli's Leave of Absence (211) 

Kegulation of Money (212, 213) 

The Year 1817 : 

Journey to Leghorn in the Suite of the Archduchess Leopoldine, 

the nevrly married Princess of Portugal (214 to 227) 
At the Baths of Lucca (228 to 233) " . 
Conclusion of the Course of Baths at Lucca (234) 
Visit to the Courts of Modena and Parma (235 to 237) . 
The Existence of Sects in Central Europe (238) . 
The Bible Societies and the Emperor Alexander (239 to 241 ) 
The Intentions of Naples as to Benevento and Pontecorvo (242) 
Organisation of the Central Administration in Austria (243. 244) 
Tlie Internal Condition of Italy (24-5, 246) . . . . 
Annals of Literature (247, 248) ..... 
Negotiation with Rome on Ecclesiastical Affairs (240) 








The Year 1818 : 

The Carlsbad Waters (250 to 257) 

Journey to the Rhine (258 to 265) . 

Residence in Aix and Return to Vienna (266, 2Q7) 

The Journey to Aix (268 to 298) . 

The Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle (299 to 302) . 





Results of the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle : a Memoir, by Gentz 

(303) ' . . 189 

Projects for Reforms in Prussia (304 to 306) . . . .197 

On the Question of the Jews (307) 209 

The Year 1819 : 

Letters from Rome, Naples, and Perugia (308 to 326) . . .211 

Letters from Italy and Carlsbad (327 to 334) 240 

The Assassination of Kotzebue (335 to 350) .... 253 
Metternich's Meetings with Kiug Frederick William at Teplitz 

(351,352) . 295 

Results of the Carlsbad Conferences (353 to 359) . . . 309 

From Carlsbad to Vienna: Letters (360 to 373) . ... 333 

Beginning of the Vienna Conferences (374 to 378) . . . 343 

Object and Importance of the Conferences (379, 380) . . . 347 

Tht: Year 1820: 

Eventsof the Day and Family Life: Letters (381 to 407) . , 357 

Excursions into Bohemia and Cobnrg : Letters (408 to 425) . . 374 

Outbreak of the Neapolitan Revolution : Letters (426 to 445) . 385 

From Troppau: Letters (446 to 467) 397 

Progress of the Vieinia Conferences : Letters (468 to 470) . . 409 
Wurtemberg's Resistance to the Competence of the Vienna Con- 
ferences (471 to 473) 414 

Metternich's German Policy (474) 422 

Results of the (Conferences in Vienna (475, 470) . . . . 428 

Stateof Political Affiiirs, May 1820 (477) 432 

Austria's Position with Regard to the Revolution in Naples (478 

to 480) 433 

Results of the Troppau Congress (431 to 485) .... 443 

Metternich's Political Profession of Faith (486 to 488) . . . 453 

The Year 1821 : 

The Congress at Laybach : Letters (480 to 525) . . . .477 

Return to Vienna : Letters (526 to 542) 498 

Visit to the Court of Hanover : Letters (543 to 546) . . . 509 

Expense of the Neapolitan Expedition, &c. (547) . . . . 513 
The Neapolitan, Piedmontese, and Greek Insurrections (548 to 

550) 519 

Co-operation of the Russian Army (551) ... . . 528 

Results of the Laybach Congress (552 to 554) .... 535 
Metternich's Mission to King George IV. of England in Hanover 

( 555, 550) 

Prince de Carignan's Share in the Revolutionary Intrigues in 

Piedmont (557) 


The Year 1822: 

Complications with f !apo d'Istria, i^-c. : Letters (558 to 002) . . 
On the Journey to V(>vona and back : Letters (603 to 614) . 
Austi-ia's Attitude in the Eastern Questitm (615) . . . . 
Tatistscheff's Mission to Vienna, &c. (616 to 621) 
Victory of the Austrian over the Russian Cabinet (622 to 625) . 
Outbreak of the Spanish Revolution (626, 627) . . . . 

Austria's Understanding with England on the Eastern Question 


Results of the Congress of Verona (629 to 636) .... 







VOL. If I. B 

THE YEARS 1816-1817. 



208. Metternicli to the Emperor Francis, Verona, April 5, 1816. 

208. During the negotiation of German affairs 
at the Vienna Congress, I made it my duty to direct 
the attention of the ambassadors there assembled to the 
advantages which must ensue to the whole German 
body politic, as well as to the Princes themselves, 
from a uniform treatment of the general affairs of the 
Church (now in a deplorable state) at the future Diet. 
I at that time maintained the closest intercourse with 
the vicars of Constance and Mlinster, who were at 
Vienna, and I believe that I prevented the acceptance 
of the views of a so-called deputation from the German 
Church then in Vienna, which consisted of some wild 
enthusiasts who, probably without intending it them- 
selves, acted in the most exaggerated interests of the 
Eoman Church. The principle that ecclesiastical affairs 
should be considered in council at Frankfurt met with 
general approval from the German Princes of the second 
and third class. The Kins; of Wurtemberj^ alone, intent 

B 2 


upon his so-called rights of sovereignty, who had, in 
consequence of those very principles, taken no direct 
part in the last negotiations, endeavoured to isolate 
himself from this ecclesiastical question also, and, with- 
out further ceremony, to enter into negotiations with 
the Eoman Court about a concordat of his own. 

Cardinal Consalvi, whose general political conduct 
cannot be sufficiently praised, remained faithful to the 
promise I had obtained from him, that he would enter 
into no separate negotiation with German Princes with- 
out my consent. He referred the matter to Rome. 
The conclusion of the Congress, and the great military 
and political events which followed it, brought these 
intrigues to an end. ' 

Since the meeting of the German Ambassadors at 
Frankfurt I have given your Majesty's ministers instruc- 
tions concerning this matter ; and the efforts of the 
King of Wurtemberg for a speedy and separate con- 
cordat with Eome smoothed the way quite naturally. 
Up to this time I have succeeded in preventing this 

I agree with Councillor Lorenz* on the subject 
of a common basis for the negotiation of the affairs 
of the German Church, based on our ecclesiastical 
principles ; and I have only to point out the further 
course of an affair which I consider one of the 
most important that has to be decided at the future 

In this, as in every great negociation, very much 
depends on the point of view from which it is taken 
into consideration. In my opinion, Germany must be 
induced to adopt an ecclesiastical constitution, and to 

* He had given an official report concerning the future ecclesiastical 
constitution, which was submitted to Metternich's attention. — Ed. 


accept our principles without our appearing too eager 
to obtrude those principles on Germany. 

By a judicious course we shall, moreover, set a 
good example to the German Princes ; our principles 
will become popular in the very same measure as they 
seem to have sprung up in Germany ; our position 
with regard to the Eoman Court itself remains correct 
and vigorous, and will even serve as a protection if we 
by our example bar the way to the exaggerated claims 
here and there put forth, as always happens in the 
course of human aflliirs. Urged by these various con- 
siderations, I should much prefer to make sure of the 
views of some excellent superintendent of a German 
church, and leave him undisturbed to take the initia- 
tive in the arrangement to be made. It seems to me 
certain that Baron von Wessenberg — who has meantime 
been appointed coadjutor at Constance, and has been 
confirmed in this office by the Pope — is most fit for our 
purpose : he enjoys the general confidence in Germany, 
and, I believe, also that of Councillor von Lorenz. 

If your Majesty vouchsafes your approval, I propose 
to inform this minister of our ideas fully and without 
delay, and this can probably best be achieved by 
sendino; to him the vice-director of theological studies, 
Augustin Braig. Such an arrangement would ensure 
the most comprehensive application of our principles 
being made known to Baron von Wessenberg, who is 
already devoted to the political system of our Court, 
and to whom may be disclosed without reserve even 
the political and religious sentiments of the Imperial 
Court ; and the Imperial Directorial-Embassy in Frank- 
furt would be placed in a position entirely in accordance 
with my views — to support the wislies of the German 
Church, instead of taking the initiative in this matter. 


For greater satisfaction I sliould not only approve 
but should think it desirable to send the above-men- 
tioned Augustin Braig afterwards to consult with the 
Austrian embassy. 

The nature of the negotiations about to commence 
at Frankfurt ensures there being sufficient time to carry 
out these measures. But not till the Diet is constituted, 
which will certainly be three or four weeks after its 
opening, will it be possible for our embassy to broach 
the subject of ecclesiastical affairs, and urge the for- 
mation of a concordat of all the German States with the 
Eoman Court. 

Probably some of the greater German Courts, and 
certainly Wurtemberg, will attempt some protest. 
But such important principles are involved that their 
triumph would be certain if it were not for the petty 
spirit of the greater German Governments, which often 
conflicts even with their own State interests. If, how- 
ever, the idea of a general concordat should not be 
adopted, an opening is left for separate concordats based 
on the same principles, and the success of this opening 
can the less be doubted as these principles are equally 
suited to the authority and the financial interests of the 
Princes. It will not, therefoj-e, be difficult to show, 
that the dissentient Governments will lose, rather than 
gain by tlieir contumacy ; for whereas, separately, they 
will be weak against the Eoman Curia, by union among 
themselves, and by union with the Austrian Church, 
they would gain in strength. The principles of that 
body are a guarantee that the cogency of such argu- 
ments must be evident, and I do not know any example 
as yet of even the most absolute of German Princes, out 
of mere self-conceit, putting himself deterioris conditionis 
in a different position from the other German sovereigns 


— a case which would inevitably occur if tlie King of 
Wurtemberg should conclude a concordat with the 
Eoman See more advantageous to it than the concor- 
dats with the other German Courts.* 

* The negotiations were begun in this sense, hut were unsuccessful. In 
the course of the years 1817 to 1830 special concordats were concluded with 
separate States of the Bund : thus, in 1817 with Bavaria ; in 1821 and 1827 
with the States forming the Upper Rhenish Ohiu-ch Province ; in 1824 with 
Hanover ; in 1827 with Saxony ; in 1830 with Gnesen and Posen, &:c. ; at 
last, in 1855, after Metternich's retirement, the well-known Concordat of 
the Apostolic See with Austria was concluded. The aged Chancellor 
welcomed the appearance of this document with the greatest satisfaction, 
and took pen in hand to narrate the history of the delay (of half a century) 
between his first idea of it in 1816 and its realisation in 1855. This paper, 
written with his own hand in August 1855, is given here to make the matter 
more plain. It is as follows : — 

' The twenty-fifth anniversary of the birthday of the Emperor Francis 
Joseph (Aug. 18, 1855) has been celebrated in a manner as excellent as 
significant, by the signature of the Concordat with the Roman Chair. 

' No one can be better informed than I of the circumstances which 
hindered the good work of withdrawing from the encroachments on the 
Church (called reforms) of which the Emperor Joseph II. had been guilty. 

'Put together concisely and faithfully represented, the historical facts 
are as follows : — 

' After the general peace was concluded in 1814-1815, I directed my 
attention to the painful consequences of Joseph's legislation in ecclesiastical 
aifairs. While these weighed on the whole empire, their evil influence was 
particularly felt in Lombardy and Venetia, in the German States of the Bund, 
and in Hungary. 

' The personal feelings of the Emperor Francis were, for political and 
religious reasons, inclined to the removal of certain conditions existing since 
the reign of Joseph II. It was otherwise with the officials; indeed, even 
among the clergy tlie Febronian doctrines had, with exceptions, taken deep 
root. In the upper departments of the Government I was alone on the side 
of truth in this important question. I did not allow myself to be discouraged 
by this position, and continued the solution of the problem on the principles 
I had laid down in my conferences with Cardinal Consalvi. To assist me in 
the great undertaking I had selected Propst von Justel, at that time Ecclesi- 
astical Adviser to the State Council. In the year 1817 the marriage of the 
Archduchess Leopoldiue with the heir to the Portuguese throne gave me an 
opportunity to continue the secret negotiations which I had begun with the 
Roman Chair. I caiLsed Propst von Justel to be sent to Rome, and intended, 
if the prospect had been favourable of an agreement between the two Govern- 
ments, to have gone thither myself, after the maldng over the Archduchess 
at Leghorn. This plan was not carried out, because I saw that the affair 
was not yet ripe for conclusion. 


' In the year 1819 the Emperor went to Italy, and in the personal inter- 
course of his Majesty with Pope Pius VII., they came to an agreement, 
which was, however, frustrated by the difRcidties which the Emperor found 
placed in the way by the authorities on his return to Vienna. 

' Delays of every kind took place. One arose from the sti'ong feeling of 
Laio (the inviolability of the written law) which in the Emperor's mind 
amounted to scrupulosity. Another cause was the resistance of the lay and 
clerical canonists devoted to Febrionianism, against every agreement with 
the Roman Chair. The revolutionary outbreaks which, at the beginning of 
the third decade of the nineteenth century, disturbed the peace of Europe, 
and particularly of Italy, forced the questions between the Empire and Rome 
into the background : mutual concessions took place between the highest 
powers, when, I am convinced, an end ought to have been put to the founda- 
tion of the evil. But I stood alone at the centre of aifairs, and therefore, in 
spite of my eiforts, there remained nothing but empty negotiations. 

* When, in the year 1835, the Emperor Francis, who morally quite agreed 
with me, was near his death, he ordered, in a testamentary document, that 
the controversy between Church and State should be terminated as quickly 
as possible, and appointed me and the Bishop of St. Polten (Wagner) 
executors of his will. The pressure which always follows a change of ntlers 
prevented the immediate termination of the important task so dear to my 
heart ; soon afterwards the Bishop whom the Emperor had appointed died. 
I chose Abbot Rauscher to succeed him, and we took up our position against 
the officials, but did not succeed in bringing the affair to that issue for which, 
at last a path was made by the Revolutions of 1848. 

* The goal is reached ! In this faithful narrative of events the key is 
given to the delay caused by erroneous ideas, false doctrines, and bureau- 
cratic influences — hindrances to the victory of truth, and even of common 
sense — to the best intentions of two Emperors and to my eflbrts.' 



Metternich to Von Wacquant, Austrian Plenipotentiary at 
Munich, Milan, February 9, 1816. 

209. The time of the Pnnce Eoyal (at ]\iilan) was 
passed as much in direct pourparlers between him and 
the Emperor as in my negotiations with the Prince 
Eoyal and the Count de Eechberg. If it is difficult to 
describe to you the persistence with which the former 
pursued his favourite idea — that of the acquisition of the 
greater part of the Palatinate — and the tedious conduct 
of the latter, it is not so with regard to the result of 
the negotiation. . . . The negotiation turned on three 
points : — 

1st. On the claim of Bavaria to an augmentation of 
her share, to make up for the loss which she asserts that 
she has sustained through our exchanges.. 

2nd. On her claim to contiguity of territory. 

3rd. On her desire to see the negotiations of Munich, 
joined with those which we are reserving for Frankfurt. 

The Prince Eoyal, and especially M. de Eechberg, 
used every effort to sustain the first of these points. It 
had been explained most positively to him that nothing 
could alter his Majesty's conviction of the more than 
sufficient importance of the indemnity offered to Bavaria, 
and accepted by her, and that consequently we could 


never admit or sustain a claim founded on a contrary 

In the first interview of the Emperor with the Prince 
Eoyal, the latter maintained with much heat a project 
for the acquisition of a line of communication which 
had been fully explained to us. The Emperor left no 
doubt on the Prince Eoyal's mind of his determination 
in the present negotiation not to maintain this project, 
which would certainly have met with insurmountable 
obstacles on the part of the Court of Baden. His Im- 
perial Majesty merely promised his good offices for the 
cession of the circle of Main-and-Tauber. This proposal 
has been definitely accepted by the Prince Eoyal and by 
M. de Eechberg. 

We met with very strong opposition on the part 
of the Bavarian negotiators, with the object of uniting 
the negotiation of Munich to that of Frankfurt, or, what 
was equivalent, of subordinating our direct negotiation 
to the one reserved for the latter city, and thus ex- 
posing it to new complications. The very decided 
declaration of the Emperor's determination not to lend 
himself to an arrangement which, if carried out, would 
prolong all the annoyances we have experienced in 
our negotiations with Bavaria for more than two years, 
has caused the bringing forward of a new Bavarian 
proposition. The Prince Eoyal asked, while consenting 
to the complete separation of the two negotiations, that 
the term of the surrender of Innviertel should be de- 
layed until the end of the negotiation of Frankfurt, 
and his Imperial Majesty having declined this demand, 
the Count de Eechberg reduced it the next day to 
some districts of Innviertel, which should remain under 
the same clause, and as a pledge, in the hands of 


The Emperor, seeing in the adoption of such a mea- 
sure the very compromises he has decided to avoid, all 
the more that the minds of our people, now united to 
the Kingdom of Bavaria, and properly belonging to 
it, are already too much excited ; and desiring, on the 
other hand, to prove to the King of Bavaria that 
he does not wish to prevent the conclusion of an im- 
portant affair for considerations connected with mere 
financial details, will endeavour to find a means of 
attaining both these ends. The simplest of all has pre- 
sented itself to the mind of his Imperial Majesty. M. 
de Eechberg has sent to me a statistical and financial 
valuation of the circle of Main-and-Tauber. His Majesty 
has decided to, offer to the Prince Eoyal himself to 
bear the loss sustained by Bavaria from the revenue 
of this circle, counting from the day of the surrender 
of the provinces which are to be restored to us, to the 
day when Bavaria enters into possession of the indem- 
nity claimed by her as compensation for her renuncia- 
tion of the contiguity of her territories ancient and 
modern. . . . 

The Count de Eechberg having spoken to me of the 
King's desire to possess the territory which crosses a 
part of the road from Eeichenhall to Berchtesgaden, 
which has always been a part of Salzburg, the Emperor 
sees no difiiculty in granting this request. He claims, 
on his side, a free passage for his troops on the road 
from Salzburg to Lofer by Eeichenhall. ... 

... It only remains for me to tell you. Sir, of the 
King's idea of the acquisition of the Palatinate. The 
Prince Eoyal, seeing the impossibility of engaging us 
to support his wishes for the acquisition of the Pala- 
tinate, and still less of imposing them on the Grand 
Duke of Baden, has ended by requesting to be at least 


assured of the intentions of our august master the Em- 
peror in favour of an arrangement which Bavaria could 
be induced in time to propose to the Court of Baden — 
an arrangement vrhich should be made amicably and 
according to the principles of a just compensation. His 
Majesty did not hesitate to assure the Prince Eoyal that 
such an arrangement would meet with no difBcultv on 
his part ; and that, on the contrary, he will be dehghted 
to contribute, by an amicable intervention, to the recon- 
ciliation of the Kinof's ^vishes with the interests of the 
Court of Baden. 

You will find enclosed full powers for concluding 
and signing the treaty which you are to negotiate. 

Metternich to Wacquant^ Verona^ April 8, 1816. 

210. The present courier will give you the means 
of concludincr and sisnincr the final arrangement Avith 
Bavaria, and it will not be difficult for you to prove to 
the Ejus: and his minister that our auorust master the 
Emperor to the unexampled proofs of patience which 
he has criven in the course of the negotiation has added 
the greatest condescension to the often um'easonable 
claims of the opposite party. . . . 

The date of May 1 is fixed so rigorously that our 
generals have orders not to allow themselves to be 
stopped in the occupation of the places ceded to us by 
Bavaria by any protestation or opposition ; therefore 
it will be necessary for your Excellency to insist in tlie 
strongest manner on this surrender, and, if need be. that 
you should throw on Count de Montgelas himself all the 
responsibihty of any comphcations which may arise 
from defective instructions or from a want of good faith 
on the part of Bavaria. It will be easy for you to prove 


that the Emperor, determined as he is to admit of no 
delay or evasions in the recovery of his provinces, feels 
it impossible to modify any orders whatever given to 
his civil and mihtary authorities, considering how dis- 
tant the places to be exchanged are, both from each 
other and from the present abode of his Imperial Majesty. 
I agree with you as to the possibihty of the signa- 
ture taking place on the 13th or 14th at latest.* 

* The above-mentioned treaty, dated April 14, was published in the 
usual way. In consequence of this, the places which had been abstracted in 
1809 again came into the possession of Austria, — Ed. 



211. Metternich to the Emperor Francis (Report), April 8, 1816 ; with 
the Royal Note attached, Padua, April 9, 1816. 

211. I need not tell your Majesty liow grieved I 
am that in a moment like the present I am unable to 
be of use to your Majesty. My feelings are so well 
known to your Majesty that they need no asseveration 
to confirm them. I send your Majesty through Count 
Mercy my first plan of the journey. I would have gone 
to Vicenza instead of Padua, but Scarpa warned me 
that the dampness of that town made it a very in- 
jurious residence in cases of rheumatic affections. This 
apphes also to Stra and Venice. In any case, however, 
your Majesty may depend upon my earnest attention 
to the state of affairs in Treviso ... * 


I am convinced of your attachment to my person, 
and very sorry that you cannot be with me, but I wish 
you to stay as long as you can, and take care of your- 
self; and I shall only be glad to see you return when 
you can do so without injury to your health. 


* A letter from Metternich to his mother gives the real reason of this 
short ahseiice. It is written from Verona, dated April 13, 1816, and says: 

' ]\Iy eye is better ; it has never been alarming, but inconvenient and 

tedious, like all aifections of the eye. The cure which I have begun, and 
still continue, is doing me much good, in every respect. I have had three 
years of very great labour, and I prefer to take measures now, rather than 
wait for what might prove a very serious malady. The Emperor is exceed- 
ingly kind, and daily gives me proofs of confidence and attachment of which 
he perhaps hardly knew himself capable. I am more devoted than anyone 
else to him, and certainly in a more disinterested way than most of his 
servants.'— Ed. 



212. A Memorandum by Metternicla,* Vienna, October 12, 1816. 

213. A summary view of the result of the gradual withdrawal of Paper 
Money, Autograph note by Metternich. 

212. If the present conference is to have any use- 
ful end, it seems to me quite necessary to come to some 
decision as to general principles, or let it be clearly and 
distinctly explained why there can be no such agree- 
ment. In a matter like this, questions and answers, 
objections and counter-objections, may be repeated in 
endless multiplication, unless it is decided beforehand 
what we want to ask for, and in what order the ques- 
tions shall be put. 

The problem is, to introduce a fixed and regular 
monetary system to take the place of the present one, 
which is admitted to be in every respect defective, and 
to come to a decision upon the now discredited paper 
money in circulation, which (at least in its present 
quantity and quality) is the occasion of all these faults 
and incongruities. 

Every possible measure concerning this paper- 
money runs on the lines of one of the following three 
systems : — 

1. The retention of paper in a reduced nominal 
value. System of devaluation. 

2. The abolition of paper money by law — witli or 

* Metternich was appointed, in 1816, President of the conference sum- 
moned to remove the tnancial pressure and restore the public credit. — Ed. 


without equivalent. System of legal or forcible with- 

8. The abolition of paper money by a voluntary 
and therefore a gradual operation. System of gradual 

The system of devaluation has the advantage of 
being simple in execution and rapid in its effects, and 
the Government remains in possession of its cash. 
There are, however, many objections to the adoption 
of this system, one of the greatest of which is that it is 
the second attempt of the kind, and would be as strongly 
opposed by public opinion as the finance operation of 
1811, at a time of the greatest pressure, although the 
present attempt does not fall in a time of such pressure. 

The system of enforced withdrawal from circulation 
is not capable of any great modification. A difference 
between a sudden and a periodical withdrawal of the 
paper money cannot, according to my conviction, exist ; 
for any calling in of money by law, however it may be 
announced or declared, concerns the whole amount. 
Therefore, the only question here is, whether the pos- 
sessors of the paper are or are not indemnified. No 
voice has been heard at present, among us at least, in 
favour of the abohtion of paper money without an 
equivalent. Those who desire its abolition by a legal 
arrangement are ready to grant an indemnification to 
the holders of it, and since such compensation cannot 
be given in ready money, they are willing to give them 
interest-bearing national bonds. This second system 
may therefore be more briefly and more pertinently 
called the system of consolidation by law — that is, en- 
forced consolidation. 

The system of gradual withdrawal admits, indeed, 
of a far greater variety of combinations and operations. 



But all are agreed that even with this S3'stem, as things 
are at present, the sum total, or at any rate the greater 
part, of the paper money must be withdrawn by national 
bonds that pay interest. Only these bonds should not 
be introduced compulsorily, like a system of consolida- 
tion by law, but by free operations as a compensation 
for the paper money. The system of gradual with- 
drawal, with the reservation of all the remedial mea- 
sures applicable to it may therefore be called, in contra- 
distinction to the others, the system of free consoli- 

Opinions are at present divided amongst us as to 
these two systems. 

Both parties agree in the main point that the State 
must annually devote a considerable sum to pay the in- 
terest of the bonds replacing the paper money. If we 
estimate the paper money in circulation only at six 
hundred millions, this sum would amount with 2,V 
per cent, to fifteen millions, with 2 per cent, to twelve 

The question therefore which must take precedence 
of all others is this. Can the State, besides the yearly 
interest due on the present interest - bearing debt, 
afford annually twelve to fifteen millions for interest 
on the new bonds ? 

This question is common to both systems. If it has 
to be answered in the negative, neither of the two 
systems can exist (least of all that of forced consoHda- 
tion, which at once affects tlie whole mass of paper- 
money in circulation equally). If it be affirmed, tins 
leads to the further inquiry whether it be better to ex- 
pend those twelve or fifteen millions of yearly interest 
once and for all on the consolidation of the paper money, 
or to leave that sum to be disposed of by the Finance 



Minister as a maximum for the introduction and per 
formance of free operations of consolidation. 

Second chief question : — Which of the two systems 
of consohdation is the better and the more feasible ? 

1. Those wlio maintain the system of consolidation 
by law must, I am convinced, show — 

(a) That the compensation assigned by law to the 
possessors of ^^aper money will be real and not delu- 
sive : in other words, that the value (namely, the market- 
price) of the bonds in exchange for the paper money, 
if not equal should be as nearly as possible equal to the 
present real worth of this paper money, and should not 
fall to ^, ^, or even perhaps -^j^, ^V of the nominal value 
of the paper money. 

{b) That, after an entire and sudden withdrawal of 
paper money, other circulating media will be at once 
or in a short time introduced, and that, in the absence 
of this, the most ruinous stacfnation in the circulation 
would not be introduced into all trades cfi'eat and small, 
a result which would end in the general ruin of the 

(c) That after so rapid and extensive a revolution 
the Government will be strong enough to raise (if even 
by violent means) the money it requires for urgent 
necessities, or rich enough to advance the money for an 
indefinite time. 

2. Can the system of free consolidation with the 
same ^means as tlie S3^stem of enforced consolidation 
(twelve to fifteen millions of annual interest) be applied 
to compass the same ends ? 

It is incumbent on tlie Finance Minister to prove — 
(a) Tliat the gradual withdrawal of paper money 

can be effected by the measures proposed or to be 

proposed by him. 


(b) That the operation will be uninterrupted and 
will not be prolonged beyond the shortest term pos- 

(c) That, in case one of his proposed measures 
should fail by unforeseen hindrances, it would not be 
impossible to him to replace it quickly by some other 
and more effective one. 

When these points are established, the two follow- 
ing, requiring the greatest attention, must be men- 

A. Without at the present moment deciding on 
either of the two systems of consolidation, I cannot con- 
ceal my conviction that, in setting forth the reasons for 
the forced system of consolidation, far more care and 
even severity must be used than in judging of the single 
measures which might be proposed for the execution 
of a free system of consolidation, for the danger is no 
doubt greater with the former than with the latter. 
Here (2), at the worst, it is but the further continu- 
ance of the present burdensome condition: there (1), 
the possible ruin of the country is at stake ; here (2), 
a principle already laid down is pursued : there (1), a 
system actually in force is abolished and replaced l)y 
one perfectly new. With a free consolidation, the 
Government remains from beginning to end master of 
its measures : in the consolidation by law, from the 
moment the law is proclaimed, every retrogression and 
even every essential modification is barred. 

B. I should consider it an evil, the consequences 
of which would be incalculable, if the investigation 
of definite questions should check the Government in 
its progress along its regular path ; or if it sliould 
take measures not quite consistent with an impartial 
and prudent deliberation, or with the future appU- 

c 2 


cation of the principles which must be established 
by it.* 

Summary of the Results of the gradual Abolition of 
the Paper Money. 

I. Main Pkoposition. 

213. 1. The paper in circulation shall be abohshecl. 

2. This abolition shall not take place without a fair 
indemnification of its holders. 

3. The rate of interest for the conversion of 
paper money into national interest-bearing bonds is 
2 J per cent. 

4. The maximum of the charge on the State, arising 
from this conversion, is fifteen millions annual interest. 

5. The national debt, hitherto paying an interest of 
about 15,000,000 W. W. must, at every change from 
the circulation of paper to that of a metallic currency, 
sooner or later be charcred with 15,000,000 in C. M. 


n. Present State of Affairs. 

1. The paper money in circulation amounts, the 
reserves of cash being deducted, to 600,000,000. 

2. Of this about 40,000,000 is already abohshed 
in virtue of the patents of June 1, and by the sale 
of 2,500 bank stock ; the interest on the 40,000,000 
amounts to about 400,000 florins C. M. 

3. In the treasury are the war contributions and 
all other revenues, with the deduction of 10,000,000 
C. M., employed in the operation in consequence of the 
patent of June 1. 

* The patent of October 29, 1816, by whicb a free loan was opened for 
the withdrawal of paper money was the result of the conference to which 
the above memoir served as guide. — Ed. 


III. Proposed Operation. 

A loan reckoned for the conversion of 120,000,000 
to 150,000,000 withdraws in t]ie first case from circu- 
lation the sum of 120,000,000 W. W., and costs the 
State for fresh interest 3,000,000 C. M. 

IV. Further Course of the Operation. 

I purposely separate from the sum w. w. 

total of 600,000,000 

A sum of 200,000,000 

Which I consider the minimum of paper 

that (in an altered form) must be kept 

in circulation, and for the abolition of 

which, if it ever takes place, quite dif- 
ferent means must be employed. My 

examination, therefore, readies only the 

sum of 400,000,000 

Of these — 

1. Already abohshed .... 40,000,000 

2. Will be abolished by the minimum of 

the revenue from the next loan . . 120,000,000 

3. I think it quite certain that in one 
way or other, beside the 2,500 already 
abolished in bank stock, 20,000 more 
(not altogether half the number pre- 
scribed in the patents) will have to be 
abohshed, by which will be called in 

the further sum of ... . 40,000,000 


Therefore, from the above 400,000,000 W. W. must still 
be withdrawn, by gradual free operations, 200,000,000 
W. W. 


As a beginning of these operations the State may 

1. Interest at 2^ per cent. = 5,000,000. 

2. Bonuses (by which the payment of higher 
interests than 2.^ per cent, would be avoided) from the 
store of ready cash, a sum of about 10,000,000. 

V. Eesult of the Whole Operation, w. w. 

1. Abolished akeady .... 40,000,000 

2. Will be abohshed :— 

{a) By the loan now proposed . . 120,000,000 
{b) By bank stock .... 40,000,000 
{c) By further operations by credit . 200,000,000 


3. One particular withdrawal without 

increase of the State's load of interest . 200,000,000 


In this way the interest to be paid by the State 
would be — w. w. 

1. For the sum already withdrawn . . 400,000 

2. For the proposed loan .... 3,000,000 

3. For the 20,000 in bank stock . . 1,000,000 

4. For further operations .... 5,000,000 


General Eemarks on the Preceding Eesult. 

1. By this course the State remains in possession of 
all its stores of ready cash, with the exception of — 

{a) The 10,000,000 already made use of under 
the patents of June 1, by which, however, the amount 


of paper money in circulation lias been reduced to 

(6) The 10,000,000 to be used in case of necessity, 
to assist in the further credit operations. 

2. By the present conversion of paper money the 
State has to bear, not only all the interest for the 
national debt (the paper money) at present paying no 
interest, but also tlie interest of the njjtional debt hitherto 
paying interest in W. W., together with 15,000,000 
C. M. ; an annual interest, therefore, of 30,000,000, 
immediate and without deduction. On the other hand, 
the interest of the new debt, when the operation is 
concluded, will not be more than 9,400,000 W. W., 
so that from the maximum, 15,000,000 W. W., will be 
saved 5,600,000 W. W., and, with regard to the present 
debt, the interest has not to be paid in C. M. till the 
whole operation is finished, so that the State gains for 
one or two years more the considerable difference 
between the amount of interest in W. W. and the 
same in C. M. 




Extracts from Metternich's private Letters from June 10 to 
July 26, 1817. 

214. Padua and Venice. HIS. From Covipliajo — wretched accommodation 
— Cattajo — concert at the house of the Cardinal Legate — Abb^ Mezzo- 
fanti. 21C. Impression made by Florence — the Pitti Palace — the gallery. 
217. Pisa — Campo Santo^the episode of Pernambuco. 218. The Cata- 
lani. 219. The Pope's illness — Fiesole — the Florentine dialect — the 
churches of Sta. Annuuziataand Sta. Croce^ — Alfieri's monument by Canuva 
— picture of the Last Judi^ment, by Tironzino. 220. The order of Eliza- 
beth sent for Princess Metternich — Dr. Jaeger makes a sensation in 
Florence. 221. The portrait medallion presented for signing the marriage 
treaty — the expected arrival of the fleet. 222. The ladies in attendance 
on the Archduchess. 223. Plan of the journey. 224. To Leghorn — the 
island of Elba — the American admiral's ship — arrival at Lucca — return to 
Florence. 225. Preparations for giving over tlie Archduchess — anecdote 
of Zichy. 227. Arrival of the fleet — Metternich's journey to Lucca. 

Metternich to his Wife, Padua, June 10, 1817. 

214. I arrived here, as I intended, in the evening 
of the day before yesterday. 

I have always fancied, and I am quite sure now, that 
summer is the proper season for Upper Italy. Tliere 
is as little resemblance between the country, the towns, 
everything, in fact, in winter and summer, as between 
a garden in November, during the fogs and mud of that 
season, and that same garden in the month of Jime. 
No one can form any idea of the beauty of the country ; 


all the plantations, all the trees, which with us suffer 
from cold, wind, and dust, are in full vegetation ; all the 
fields covered with flowers, all those melancholy little 
gardens of the Brenta full of roses and jasmines and 
orange trees in flower ; all those houses, which then 
looked so dilapidated, open and forming charming dwel- 
lings : in one word, everything is now beautiful. Venice 
in June and Venice in December are two different cities ; 
the heat there is moderated by the neighbourhood of 
the sea ; every evening a breeze springs up which is 
refreshing but not cold ; in the daytime it is as warm 
as with us in those beautiful summer days when there 
is no appearance of a storm. The Piazza in front of 
St. Mark's is filled with large tents ; the people are 
in the streets till daybreak ; the cafes close at five in 
the morning ; the Giudecca and the Grand Canal are 
covered with gondolas. I walked about Venice yester- 
day as if it were a city of the ' thousand and one 
nights.' The women have no longer red hands; blue 
noses have disappeared, and the only ugly things I have 
seen are those horrible old witches one meets every- 
where, their grey hair streaming in the wind, and all 
having bouquets of roses, or perhaps one great rose fas- 
tened to their horrid old wigs. I cannot help sending 
you a sketch which is very much like one of these 
nymphs of the lagunes, who was hterally coijfee as you 

216. Covigliajo, June 12. — I write to you, my dear, 
from our last resting-place before Florence. This place 
reminds me of the charms of our head-quarters in the 
Vosges : there is here only one house, and that a very 
bad one ; the Archduchess has one room ; I sliare one 
with Floret ; Madame de Khuenburg has a closet near 
her mistress, without doors or windows ; the rest of 


the suite sleep in the carriages. I do not know who 
chose the place, but certainly they could not have 
chosen a worse. We are in the midst of the Apennines, 
and no one would suspect we were in la belle Italie if it 
were not for the number of chesnut woods. 

Yesterday morning we left Padua and slept at Fer- 
rara, where we were received by three cardinals. The 
road from Padua as far as Eovigo is superb ; we 
stopped on the way to see a beautiful castle (Cattajo) 
belonging to the Duke of Modena. A wealthy gentle- 
man named Obizzo took it into his head to bequeath 
it to the Duke, to show his claim to belong to the House 
ofEste. The place is curious in itself, and for the 
beautiful and numerous collections of every kind 
gathered together by its last possessor. The road from 
Eovig-o to Lasroscuro, where the Po is crossed, is de- 
testable ; tlie only clioice is between being drowned in 
the Po or smothered by the dust of a narrow cause • 
way. Ferrara is superb, and if it had four times as 
many inhabitants it would be tolerably filled. We 
found there the Duke of Modena. The Cardinal Lecrate 
had arranQ;ed a concert for us in one of the jjreat 
theatres, not being able to give us a play, which, for 
want of spectators, can only be managed once or twice 
a year. This theatre is finer than those in Vienna ; it 
holds 3,000 persons, and would do honour to a great 
capital. We left Ferrara this morning at five o'clock. 
The Cardinal Leorate of Bolocfna c^ave us an eles^ant 
and very good breakfast at the University, a celebrated 
and magnificent place. The Librarian, Abbe Mezzo- 
fanti, is wortliy of his position ; he speaks thirty lan- 
guages, and as well as if he were a native of each of the 
thirty countries. I attacked him in German, and I defy 
anyone not to take him for a Saxon. He has never 


been away from Bologna, and never had a master. I 
asked how he got the right inflexions of the language. 
' The inflexions,' replied he, ' all spring from the genius 
of language. I learnt in the grammar that each letter 
is pronounced in a certain manner ; I read and under- 
stood it in three months, I could speak it in six, and 
since then I have held conversations with Germans of 
different countries. I have done the same with all lan- 
guages. Indian and Chinese are the only ones that have 
embarrassed me a little, for I have never had an oppor- 
tunity of talking either with a mandarin or a brahmin, 
so that I am not sure if I have surmounted tlie vulgar 
pronunciation.' I made an inward sign of humility, 
and thouglit myself a perfect simpleton beside the 
Librarian of Bologna. 

216. Florence, June 14. — We have been here since 
eleven yesterday morning. It would be difficult to 
explain to you the kind of impression which Florence 
must necessarily produce on everyone who loves what 
is beautiful and grand. All that I have seen up to 
this time far surpasses my expectations. Great God ! 
what men they were in past times. 

Yesterday I went through the gallery of the Pitti 
Palace and Academy of Fine Arts, as well as the manu- 
factory of pietra dura. To-day I have seen the great 
gallery. I shall return here every day that I am in 
Florence. I declare that I prefer it as it now is to the 
Museum aa it was. It is difficult to form an idea of 
this immense treasury of all kinds of things ; the build- 
ing is magnificent, and above all perfectly adapted to 
its object. The gallery of the Pitti Palace is a perfect 
quintessence of beauty, and the great gallery is as beau- 
tiful as that of the palace. The Venus de Medicis is 
infinitely better placed than she was at Paris. She is, 


with four other magnificent statues, in the Tribune of 
the Uffizi, which is hL^hted from above. There are in 
the same gallery seven or eight Eaphaels, each more 
beautiful than the other. Among others there is one 
which represents the painter's mistress, and it is beyond 
conception. I protest that the Grand Duke is the richest 
man in the world. All the monuments left here by 
Leopold are worthy of the Medici : many even surpass 

The country is fine, more so, however, in my opi- 
nion, from culture than from its natural features. The 
town is on the Apennines, in a valley formed by the 
Arno. Tlie soil is not very good ; nevertheless cul- 
tivation has made Tuscany one of the most productive 
countries in the world. It would be quite useless to 
attempt to count the number of dwellings to be seen 
from every eminence. Besides hundreds of towns and 
villages, from one window there may be seen, be- 
tween Florence and Pistoia, more than four thousand 
country houses and detached dwellings spread and 
scattered on all sides. The climate is divine ; there is 
great heat from eleven till five, but the morning, the 
evening, and the night are like what a day in Para- 
dise will probably be. 

217. J^me 18. — The day before yesterday I went to 
Pisa, and returned yesterday. Three or four very violent 
storms during the day spoilt the illuminations a little, 
but still they were magnificent. Pisa in itself is very 
curious. There are three edifices close together, which 
are as beautiful as possible — the Cathedral, the Tower 
{campanile), and the Baptistry of St. John. A fourth far 
surpasses them. The Crusaders, on their return, brought 
vessels full of earth from Palestine. They placed it in 
a field, which tliey surrounded with a building, forming 


a vast, simple corridor, in which are their tombs. Not 
being able to die in the Holy Land, they wished to be 
buried in its soil. This is called the Campo Santo. No 
one can be buried there without special permission 
from the Grand Duke, and there are many modern 
tombs. The corridors are used now as a museum. They 
collect there all that is dug up in the environs of Pisa, 
and the excavations are considerable. 

The last news from Lisbon informs us that the Go- 
vernment has sent two vessels, intended to form part of 
the convoy of the Archduchess, to blockade Pernam- 
buco, and they have done well. This will, however, 
cause a delay of two or three weeks. I shall therefore 
change my plans. In two or three days I expect the 
first news from Eome. I shall start (if I take this jour- 
ney) as soon as they arrive, for that city, where I shall 
remain ten or twelve days, and then return to Florence. 
I accompany the Archduchess to Leghorn. If the fleet 
should be delayed beyond July 15, I shall make over 
the affair of the surrender of the Archduchess to M. 
d'Eltz, and shall be, as I told you when I left, at 
Vienna on the 22nd or 24th. I suppose this affair at 
Pernambuco will make a great noise at Vienna, and 
that our gossips are talking as if that town w^ere between^ 
Purkersdorf and Sieghartskirchen. It appears that the^ 
rising has made no progress, and that the measures 
for repressing it were very well managed. It wiU; 
have no effect on the departure of the Archduchess,, 
except the necessity of hastily equipping two new ships- 
to convey her, or rather to complete her escort. I beg- 
you to mention these facts to the trumpeters of the- 
good town of Vienna. 

Por the rest, my journey here is a great and in- 
estimable benefit. I do not know how the great crisis- 


brought about by this new complication would have 
passed over if I had not been on the spot. If my good 
friends at Vienna cry out for or against my good for- 
tune, I certainly have the conviction tliat I am doing 
what is just and right, and at the right moment; the 
only one in which great things can be done. My pre- 
sence in Italy has an mcalculable influence on the pro- 
gress of affairs. If I could be vain of anything that 
Heaven has helped me to do in the last few years, it 
would be of the part I am playing at this interesting 
juncture in Europe. The sovereign of all Italy could 
not be received as I am , all those who are on the right 
side — and they are very numerous — crowd round me ; 
they give me their entire confidence, and look for safety 
from me alone. The Jacobins hide themselves, and 
they look upon me as a rod held over them. If I liave 
ever been inspired in any step I have taken, it was in 
deciding to come here ; and you are witness that I made 
up my mind m a quarter of an hour. 

218. June 20. — Yesterday we passed a charming 
evening, a small party having been made at Madame 
Appony's to hear Catalani sing. The two Archduchesses 
came and all our suite. She sang in such a way as to 
make all tlie company wild with delight. She was in 
good voice, and you would have been as much en- 
chanted as we all were. Assuredly, if the Holy Virgin 
mingles her voice witli the songs of the 1/lessed, she 
must sing like this woman. 

I shall not decide on my journey to Eome for two 
or three days. The Holy Father is always so ill that 
he cannot attend to business ; and as it is to do business 
with him that I go there, I depend, thank God, on his 
faculties much more than on my own. 

219. Ju7ie 28. — iSTot only does my journey to Rome 



become every day more problematical, but it is very 
probable that I shall not go at all. The Pope, although 
he is so far better that he has been taken from Castel 
Gandolfo to the Quirinal, seems unable to do anything ; 
and as I was going to Eome entirely on business, I 
should give up my visit if I could not attain my object. 

Yesterday I had a charming drive. About three 
miles from the town there is a mountain on which was 
built the ancient Etruscan town of Fesula^, now Fiesole. 
There are some remains of antiquity : there are the 
walls of the old town, which date back to the time of 
Porsenna ; and in the midst of a field of olives are the 
ruins of an amphitheatre, now almost entirely covered 
over by landslips. On a mound are the remains of a 
temple of Bacchus now transformed into a chapel. It 
would be difficult to find a more magnificent site ; 
Florence with its innumerable villas is under your feet ; 
you can trace the whole valley of the Ai-no, and the 
valleys which lead to Pistoia and to Volterra. It was 
here in this town that Gatihne was defeated, and that 
this precursor of the ' Nain jaune ' * of our time ceased 
to threaten the existence even of the Eepublic. Many 
recollections, both ancient and modern, are connected 
with this place, and with every spot of earth on which 
one treads. 

A remarkable thing in this country is the kind of 
culture which exists among the people. There is not a 
peasant who does not speak his own language with all 
the refinement and elegance of an academician of the 
Crusca. It is interesting to hold a conversation with 
these good people : their language is that of tlie drawing- 
room — no jargon, no shouting or raising of tlie voice, 

* Nain jaune was an illustrated comic journal of the republican colour. — 


such as one hears in the rest of Italy. A vine-dresser, 
who looked Hke a half nes^ro, acted as cicerone. This 
man related and explained everything to me like an 
antiquary. Among the things which have most struck 
me are the details of the Church of the Annunziata, the 
first which was used by the Order of Servites. This 
church is not very large, but beautiful, and exceedingly 
rich in marbles. It contains pictures of the first rank, 
and there is, among other things, as in all the convents 
of Italy, an interior court surrounded by an open corri- 
dor, and here all the arches between the columns are 
painted in fresco by Andrea del Sarto. There are about 
forty paintings representing the foundation of the order, 
all of inconceivable beauty of design and composition. 
Here also is the superb painting of the Virgin with the 
Infant Jesus and St. Mark, which is engraved in so many 
ways. One of the arches represents the triumph of the 
Virgin ; she is seated on a car drawn by a lion and a 
sheep — charming in idea, so rich and withal so simple. 
The car is surrounded by angels with ideal figures. 
These paintings were paid for at the rate of twenty 
crowns each. The persons who had them painted took 
care to have their coats-of-arms painted on them. Their 
descendants assuredly cannot regret the expense. The 
frescoes are in perfect preservation. In this chmate 
nothing is injured, however it may be exposed to the 
air. Given a good painter and a roof, and the pictures 
will be handed down to posterity. 

In the Church of Sta. Croce are the monuments of 
celebrated men. Galileo has a fine tomb, and the 
Countess of Albany has erected a superb monument to 
Alfieri, executed by Canova. A colossal female, perso- 
nating Italy, is represented as weeping over his tomb. 
The whole thing is more grandiose than beautiful. I 


know many things of Canova's much better conceived, 
and which speak more to the soul. There are magni- 
ficent paintings in this church, among others a ' Last 
Judgment ' by Bronzino, inconceivably fine as to execu- 
tion. Christ, seated on an eminence, holds His hand out 
to the elect, who are issuing from a tomb at His feet. 
The painter has taken care to place himself with his 
wife and his daujjliter amoni? them. He seems to have 
made sure of his own future state. If all who enter 
Paradise resemble the figures in this picture, it would 
be a pity if there should be neither pencil nor palette 
there. I have seen, I do not remember where — at 
Padua, I think — a small picture, the beautiful conception 
of which made a great impression upon me. Christ, 
with an air simple though triumphant, holds up the 
cross in the middle of a vast grotto. It is the entrance 
of Limbo. On the right of the picture are the patriarchs 
weeping with joy and love. St. John the Baptist calls 
to him a number of beinsrs, who are comino; from all 
parts of the interior of the cave, and shows them the 
cross. There is an inspiration in this picture which is 
quite magical. It is no longer Christ suffering on the 
cross, but Christ having triumphed over death, and 
sharing His triumph with the just, who are entering 
into His kingdom. Expectation and happiness are 
equally depicted on the faces ; Christ alone is calm,, 
and St. John more inspired than ever. We hear him> 
cry from the abyss, ' The hour is come ! ' 

I have told you of the paintings ; I will j^ass now to- 
the sculpture, and to something which, without produc- 
ing chefs-d'ceuvre, is not without merit. It is curious to- 
see the manufactories of alabaster. You order an enor- 
mous vase to-day, and they bring it you to-morrow.. 
You wish for your bust : a man takes a model of you. 



in clay in ten minutes, and in three or four days you 
have a bust in alabaster, a perfect likeness. Eltz was 
modelled to-day : a man took a lump of clay, and I 
declare to you that one could not think more quickly 
than he made the head, the nose, the mouth, &c. This 
sculptor, who is not a disciple of Gall, has proved to me — 
what we knew before, however — that the theory of the 
said doctor is true in every respect. Eltz was almost 
finished, but something was wanting ; my man took a 
step forward, and with a firm hand he raised with his 
thumbs four or five bumps on tlie head and the sides 
of the jaws. From that moment the likeness was 

220. June 29. — I take advantage of the departure 
of the military courier to inform yoa, my dear, tliat 
M. de Maccalon has received news which leaves no 
doubt about the departure of the fleet. If the winds 
are favourable it will be at Leghorn about July 15. 
This same courier has brought with him three decora- 
tions of the Order of St. Elizabeth : one for the Arch- 
duchess, one for our Empress, and the third for you. 
The ribbon is rose-colour ; but the sea-air has faded it 
so much that it is now a sort of straw-colour. It will 
be necessary to get new ribbon, and I will send you 
your decoration as soon as it has become rose-coloured 
again. As you love the pomps of this world, this news 
will make you very happy. I am sure that Leontine * 
will be more delighted than her mamma with the ribbon, 
and that she will have great pleasure in repeating to her 
nurse, dass Mama hat schones Band. The order itself is 
superb ; it is generally given only to queens or princesses 
of the blood. 

I do not think I have ever told you about my eye. 

• Metternich's daughter, afterwards Countess Sandor. — Ed. 


It makes more progress in one day here than it did in 
eight at Vienna. I am well satisfied, and so is my phy- 
sician, who is becoming very famous at Florence. He 
saves every day four or five eyes ; people are more back- 
ward here in that art than anyone can imagine. Almost 
all diseases of the eye, even when not serious at first, 
lead to bhndness, not for want of good eyes, but for 
want of good doctors. Jaeger * has told me astonish- 
ing facts on this subject. Just imagine, here they do 
not know one of the instruments or curative methods 
which have been adopted by all the world for the last 
thirty or forty years. Another singular fact is that the 
poor people do all they can to make themselves blind, 
for here, as at Rome, it is the blind alone who can exer- 
cise the profession of mendicants. Jaeger offered to 
restore a man's sight to him ; the man asked if he would 
also undertake his maintenance. 

I have bought two pretty things : a charming copy 
of Canova's Venus and an enormous alabaster vase, at 
a ridiculous price. I shall not buy anything else unless 
I go to Rome, and, as I sluiU not go, I shall buy nothing. 

221. Poggio Imperiale^ ' July 1. — Here is your 
decoration from the other w^orld, my dear Laura. You 
alone will have a new ribbon, for that which j^ou will 
receive to-day has become hortensia instead of rose, 
which it should be, and certainly the rose need not be 
made more tender than nature has already made it. I 
send you your decree, with a translation into French, 
with which Mercy and I amused ourselves yesterday. 
The turn of the sentences is so original that we have 
tried to preserve it as much as possible. You must 
reply to the Queen. The decoration, from its form, seems 

• Dr. Fried rich Jaeger, a celebrated physician in Vienna, who for many 
years was Metteruich's private physician, and survived him. — Ed. 

D 3 


to go back to the year 801 — that is to say, till the time 
of Charlemafyne. 

The Marquis de Maccalon sent me yesterday, for the 
signature of the contract of marriage, a medalhon with 
the portrait of the King surrounded by precious stones, 
but so shamefully painted that he would not let me 
keep it. The painter, who does not seem to be one at 
all, has aimed at making his Most Faithful Majesty smile. 
He has opened his mouth so wide that he was forced 
to show either his teeth or his tongue. The upper 
teeth show like a ball of ivory lying on a tongue, to say 
the least, as thick. 

Everything convinces me that the fleet must arrive 
at Leghorn in eight or ten days. We go, therefore, 
without further delay to settle ourselves there till the 
moment of embarkation, and I will take my route by 
Modena and Parma to return to you, and prepare to 
be made a grandpapa. 

Metternich to his daughter Marie, Florence, July 3. 

222. Time goes on, iny dear Marie, and I am 
expecting the arrival of this devil of a fleet as if it were 
the Messiah, in order to regain my liberty, or rather 
to win it again by handing over the key of the house 
to M. d'Eltz. It seems, however, that it will be here 
about the 10th of this month. We shall pass four or 
five days free at Leghorn, and then vogue la galere. It 
appears that the feminine part of the Portuguese Court 
is coming. This makes the ladies' journey to Brazil 
very doubtful. Of these ladies Madame de Khuenburg 
is estimable, and has most agreeable manners ; Madame 

de Lodrin is tall, and Madame de ^^s^lj- Both 

are very good. There you have their finished por- 


traits. Old Edling is very well. His fall has bleached 
him ; nothing is left of his oUve-colourecl Brazilian 
cheeks but the cheek bones. His mind has recovered, 
but he still wanders sometimes. For example, he asked 
me yesterday (the subject was Marie Louise), ' Is she 
not at Paris ? ' I said to him, ' Good God, no ; she is 
at Parma.' ' True,' said Edling ; ' I had forgotten that 
the Emperor Napoleon had bought Parma ! ' You may 
be sure I said nothiniij' more to him, for I do not like to 
waste my words. 

My health is very good. I have tested anew the 
perfections of the Court cuisine. 

I had a charming walk yesterday evening. All the 
surrounding country is a succession of hills more or 
less high. All offer the most delicious prospects, all are 
planted, and too much planted for efiect. The trees 
are oHves, figs, bignonias, catalpas, all in bloom ; the 
gardens, even those of the peasants, are filled with 
orange trees ; the hedges are composed principally of 
jasmine, others of the flowering arbutus ; there are 
clematis blossoms large as pompon roses, pomegranates 
covered with flowers. The vines are not planted in the 
same way as on the other side of the Po ; a vine is 
planted by the side of a tree, and, being allowed to chmb 
up it, ends by covering more or less the whole of it, so 
that the grapes appear to belong to the tree. All the 
plants smell twice as sweet as they do with us ; and the 
grass and the plants at the roadside are so aromatic that 
by the evening one knows not what it is, but that all the 
air is perfumed. What adds to the charm of the first 
part of the night is the immense quantity of small 
luminous flies, which they call here ' lucciole.' They 
fly in milHons about all places covered with grass and 
round the trees. Their light is at least as sparkhng 


and strong as the sparks from a steel. The whole 
country seems on fire. The moon of Florence, which, 
Uke that of Vienna, is near the full, is clear as she never is 
with us. The air is calm at that hour, about fourteen 
or fifteen degrees, light and clear. One can well under- 
stand how tliis beautiful chmate has produced so many- 
painters and poets. 

I intend to order at Eome two bas-reliefs from Thor- 
waldsen. I will have them placed in the two panels, 
which I will make in stucco, at the end of the small 
drawing-room at the villa. I assure you people will 
come to see tliem. 

Metternich to his Wife, Florence, July 10. 

223. Here we are, my dear, at the 10th of the 
month, and we do not yet know the exact day of the 
arrival of the fleet. This is my plan of campaign. I 
sliall leave here on the 20th, whether the Archduchess 
has been surrendered or not. I shall take eight days 
from here to Vienna, for I shall stop one day at Modena, 
and I only wish to travel from five in the evening to six 
in the morning, so as to allow tlie hours of intense heat 
to pass, during which I shall rest and dine. Conse- 
quently I shall be with you from the 27th to the 29th. 
I shall spend three clear days at Vienna, and shall leave 
again on the 4th for Carlsbad. If the fleet arrives here 
on the 20th, I shall effect the transference before my 
departure ; if not, I shall make over the affair to Eltz. 
The day after to-morrow I shall probably pass four-and- 
twenty hours at Leghorn, to inspect the place and 
arrange everything proper for the ceremony. The 
weather is so calm that the vessels cannot make mucli 
way ; it is therefore necessary to reckon on three or 
even four weeks' sailing, although with a fresh wind 


the route from Lisbon to Leghorn takes fifteen or six- 
teen days at the most. 

The Archduchess Marie Louise has been here since 
the day before 5^esterday. We form quite a colony at 
Poggio. After all, it would hold three times as many 

224. Poggio, July 17. — I set out for this place on the 
14th, at six in the evening, with MM. d'Appony and de 
Maccalon, the faithful Floret, the amiable Hudelist, and 
Prince Jablonowsky, who had arrived from Naples. 
We had five coaches. We arrived at three in the 
morning at Leghorn. As we all liad been clever enough 
to sleep in the carriage, none of us cared to go to bed. 
It was beautiful and fresh, and we had the prospect of 
a very hot day before us. We therefore decided to go 
at once to see the port and everything that would have 
exposed us to the heat of the sun. We began by as- 
cending the beautiful lighthouse which is at the end of 
the new pier. There we beheld the first rays of the 
sun gilding the rocks of the islands of Gorgona, Capraja, 
Corsica, and Elba. About two miles seaward was the 
American squadron, which had just left the roadstead 
of Leghorn, and also two Neapohtan frigates and a brig 
which the Dey of Algiers had bought at Leghorn, in 
order to carry off Tuscan subjects in the open sea close 
by. The whole view was magnificent. Gorgona is 
about fifteen miles off ; it is nothing but an immense 
rock inhabited by fishermen and a small Tuscan garri- 
son. Capraja and Corsica were so flooded with the 
bright morning light that every valley could be dis- 
tinguished ; the island of Elba was very plain, but 
Porto-Ferrajo is too near the level of the sea to be per- 
ceived at that distance. I could not see that island 
without thinking of my forced march on March 5, 1815, 


in consequence of tlie news of Napoleon's departure. 
Having surveyed the whole neighbourhood of the port, 
we returned, and then took some hours of repose ; at 
midday we hurried through the shops, of which that of 
Michelis is the most beautiful and certainly the only 
one of its kind in the world. There are sold the most 
beautiful alabasters and magnificent marbles. No one 
could look at Pisani's who had examined those made at 
Leghorn. I bought several charming things at a ridi- 
culous price, considering the workmanship. I went 
over the spot where the surrender of the Archduchess will 
take place. We dined at the principal hotel — which did 
not deserve that title — and at six in the evening we em- 
barked to pay a visit to the American Commodore. 
To avoid the firing of guns I would not be announced, 
and I remained on board till sunset, when tliey do not 
salute. The flagship has eighty-four guns, and is one of the 
most beautiful vessels I have ever seen. The Americans, 
who have a great rivalry with the English, owed their 
success in the last war to the new construction of their 
ships of the line, some of which carry as many as ninety 
guns. They are constructed like frigates, but without 
quarter-decks, and are fast sailers like frigates, and can 
consequently overtake these vessels, which in England 
never carry more than eighty guns. They can also 
avoid with the same facility vessels of the line of 
greater tonnage. The Commodore received us with 
much distinction ; he immediately placed the whole 
crew under arms, and showed me over every part of his 
ship. Its whole appearance and neatness are admirable. 
I do not know if in these respects it does not even sur- 
pass the English ships ; on the other hand, the style of 
the crew does not equal that of the latter. The Com- 
modore is a great amateur of the fine arts and fine 


animals. He has pictures in his cabin, among others a 
copy of the portrait of Pope Juhus II., after Raphael, and 
between decks and on the upper deck African gazelles 
and a great Canadian bear. Between decks, where the 
sailors dine, there is on each table a pyramid of very 
clean vessels, which contain the drink for the sailors, 
and a Bible distributed by the Bible Society of Boston. 
The maladie hiblique extends through both hemispheres. 
After leaving the fleet, we had another look at the shops, 
which the principal merchants had taken care to have 
well illuminated. We retired at eleven, and at six we 
started in the carriage for Lucca. Leghorn is a beau- 
tiful town, or rather it has one fine square, and one fine 
street. There is great confusion in this street, and it is 
like a very busy market. I saw the synagogue, the 
most beautiful in Italy (there are twelve thousand Jews 
at Leghorn, who enjoy great privileges). I wanted to 
visit the Lazaretto for quarantine, but could not find a 

I reached Lucca at mid-day. The town is old and 
quite lovely ; the country is as charming as it is pos- 
sible to see. Lucca is situated in a small plain, in the 
midst of beautiful \\\(A\ mountains rich in veo-etation. 
They are clothed with olive trees to the very summit. 
The country is not cut up as it is in other parts of 
Italy, and the soil is excellent. At two o'clock I went 
to Saltocchio, a villa belonging to M. Canamy, who 
was Madame Ehsa's ecuyer and with good reason ; she 
is charming. About two thousand steps from that is 
Marha, a quite divine place, which Madame Ehsa has 
had built and planted. The house recalls to my mind 
the most comfortable French cliateaux. The garden is 
planted in the English style, and that marvellously ; 
it is large and has a very uncommon appearance, 


perhaps even unique of its kind, for I know of no other 
garden in the EngUsh style on this side of the Alps, 
planted with such a profusion of trees and exotic flowers ; 
there are, for example, whole groves of magnolias. 
The climate of Lucca is a great deal milder than that 
of Florence ; the heat is not so excessive during the 
summer, and the cold is never more than two or three 
degrees below zero during winter, so that the most de- 
licate plants grow in the open air. After taking a turn 
in the gardens, we dined at Marlia, where I had invited 
the first people in Lucca. We started again at six in 
the evening and arrived at Florence at midnight. Two 
days could not possibly have been spent better or more 

225. Florence, July 12. — I shall go to-morrow to 
Leghorn, to prepare for the arrival of my Princess, and 
I shall leave here to-morrow at six in the evening. I 
shall be at Leghorn at one or two in the morning ; I 
shall remain there the whole of the 14th, and leave 
Leghorn on the loth at two in the morning ; by day- 
break I shall be at Pisa, which I have seen ; I shall go 
to the stud of camels belonging to the Grand Duke, the 
only establishment of the kind in Europe ; fi'om there 
to the baths of Pisa, and dine at Lucca, where I shall 
pass the rest of the day. On the morning of the 
15th I shall return to Poggio, so I shall have seen a 
great deal in a short time. The Portuguese fleet should, 
according to letters from Lisbon of June 10, have left 
that port on the 18th or 22nd, so it may be expected at 
Leghorn at any hour. I shall be delighted if it arrives 
there exactly on the 14th. 

Here is a charming anecdote of Charles Zichy, the 
younger. He was at Parma last spring. The Arch- 
duchess invited him to dinner. A famous improvisatore, 


Gricci, was to give a representation after dinner. Zichy 
took care to arrive first ; after him the Cardinal Arch- 
bishop of Parma. These two gentlemen did not know 
one another. Zichy, however, guessed by the red 
stockings of the Cardinal that he must be some one of 
importance, and ended by breaking the ice, and present- 
ing himself to the Cardinal, saying ' lo sono Zichy.'' 
The Cardinal overwhelmed him with compliments, and 
would have embraced him : ' Signor Gricci, ah ! Signor 
Gricci; che piacere, che rep'utazioiie, che talento ! Av- 
remmo il piacere di sentirla, d'ammirarla' Zichy, de- 
lighted to see that his name produced such an extra- 
ordinary effect, being pressed by the old Cardinal to 
give him a specimen of his savoir /aire just to pass the 
time, hesitated, talked of his small merits, his services, 
of the Chamber, of all he had done for twenty years 
without advancement ! The arrival of Marie Louise 
alone put an end to the scene. She herself told me the 
story to-day. 

226. July 23. — Lhomme propose, chere amie, et 
Dieu dispose! This devil of a fleet is just eight days 
too late. A courier arrived here yesterday from Lisbon, 
having taken fourteen days, and he informed us that 
the fleet set sail on the 6th of this month. It may 
arrive to-morrow, the day after, or in a week or ten 
days, according to the wind. It is not Hkely that it 
will take more than three weeks coming, and in that 
case it will be at Leghorn from the 27th to the 29th. 
The embarkation of the Archduchess cannot take place 
for seven or eight days after it has anchored in the 
roads ; it must take from three to five days for re- 
victualling and embarking the luggage. I told you in 
my last, that if I had no news on the 22nd I should 
leave on the 25th. Now I cannot see that this will be 


possible. The ceremonies would not detain me except 
for the sake of decency, but business will. I must see 
the Portuguese Commissioner, at least I can hardly help 
it, as he has business with me, and it will at least be 
very difficult, if not impossible, to avoid waiting till the 
moment of arrival. 

227. July 26. — That blessed squadron has at last 
come to anchor at Leghorn. It was recognised and 
signalled yesterday at mid-day, at the distance of twenty 
miles. It entered the roads two hours and a half agfo. 

According to my calculations, it must take ten or 
twelve days to revictual. Consequently I leave to-day 
for the baths of Lucca, where I shall be at six this 
evening. I shall begin my cure to-morrow, and I shall 
only interrupt it during the two days which I shall 
spend at Leghorn, in order to complete my task. These 
days depend on the above-mentioned question of the 
revictualhng of the Portuguese fleet. 



Extracts from the private Letters from Metternich to his Family, 
from July 28 to August 1817. 

228. DescriptJon of Lucca. 229. Numerous guests. 230. Visit of the 
Archduchess to Leghorn — arrival of the English Admiral Penrose — de- 
scription of the Portuguese ships. 231. The ceremony of surrendering the 
Archduchess — farewell. 232. The Archduchess's ship sets sail — Marie 
Louise. 233. Metternich's departure from Lucca. 

Metternich to his Wife, Baths of Lucca, July 2S, 1817. 

228. I am here in the most charming spot in the 
world. The road from Lucca to the waters passes 
through tlie most picturesque valley that can be con- 
ceived. The mountains which border it are as hi<Tli as 
the Styrian Alps (excepting of course the summits co- 
vered with perpetual snow). A majestic torrent rushes 
through it, and this most beautiful I'oad brings us, at 
the distance of fifteen miles, to the baths and waters. 
I am living in the part called the Villa de' Bagni, a house 
which Elisa had built, or rather arranged, for herself; 
this will tell you that it is comfortable and well situated. 
I have a bath in the house itself, and the waters for 
drinking are close by. About a mile from this are the 
bagni caldi ; they carry anyone who wishes to go there 
in a chair. It is a curious sight to see the quantity of 
open and covered chairs which cross a large wood of 
chestnuts and a very steep mountain. I can only com- 
pare the situation to that of Styria ; add to that the 
vegetation of Italy, and you embelhsh the picture amaz- 


ingly. The air is excellent, it is neither too hot nor too 
cold ; the establishments for the baths are well con- 
( ucted, and luxuriously carried out. Everything that 
with us would be of wood is here of the most beautiful 
Carrara marble. 

The news which I receive from Leghorn do not 
allow me to suppose that the embarkation can take 
place before August 15. This proves to me that the 
Portuguese are the slowest people in the world. The 
ships require a number of things which the Government 
at Lisbon had not time to procure, although they had 
eight months in which to do it. The Admiral requires 
ten days for revictualhng ; I give him twenty, and that 
brings us to August 15. If such is the case, 1 shall try 
to finish my course of waters before quitting Leghorn, 
and I shall leave that port straight for Vienna. If the 
Admiral is, contrary to my expectation, more expedi- 
tious, I shall make an interval of two days in my cure. 

229. Baths of Lucca, August 2. — My house is full 
of visitors ; I have with me MM. de Maccalon, de Na- 
varro, and de Mello ; Wallmoden and his brother, and 
D'Aspre ; Louis Kaunitz and Golowkin ; the Abbe Justel 
and two painters. I have, therefore, been obliged to 
take another house to lodge those who cannot find room 
in my palace. Everybody is enchanted with the place ; 
they all declare that there cannot be anything more 
beautiful, and I am of the same opinion. I think the 
life of a Prince of Lucca is, without doubt, one of the 
happiest and most to be envied. This Httle country has 
everything and not too much ; it contains a town, a 
country-house, a bath, a seaport, a lake, a river, &c. 
You see the emharras des richesses is not excessive, while 
that of choice does not present itself at all : in fact, 
here ambition and enjoyment never being directed to 


more tlian one object, the first must ever be limited, and 
the second become constant. 

230. Leghorn^ August 10. — I arrived here at eight 
in the evening. I found all the Courts and four thousand 
visitors. I have been to see my Princess, and I went 
with her to the theatre. The house is magnificent, not 
much smaller than La Scala, and has five rows of boxes. 
They gave us the ' Orazi,' by Cimarosa, a superb opera, 
but unhappily sung by those horrible Germans from 
the Pergola of Florence, against whom I have already 
expressed my wrath at the time of my arrival in this 
town. I find they have added to the troupe a second 
dancer from Milan. 

I have just returned, and wi-ite to you immediately. 
The surrender will be effected the day after to-morrow, 
and the embarkation the day after that. The vessels 
will set sail the same day. I will tell you all about the 
ships when I have seen them. Admiral Penrose arrived 
here to-day in a seventy-four gun ship. We have, there- 
fore, a fleet of several different nations, who will add to 
the splendour of i\\efete by the number of their salutes. 
The Portuguese declare that they will deliver their Prin- 
cess to their Prince in forty or forty-five days, counting 
the passage of the strait. 

August 11. — I have been on board the Portuguese 
vessels this morning. They are very fine. The 'Jean VI.' 
is pierced for ninety guns : it carries only thirty-six, for 
in every place where there should be one beyond that 
number they have made a cabin for one of the numerous 
ladies we are sending to Brazil, The Archduchess's 
apartment is as well cared for as possible ; it is spacious 
and furnished with much luxury. She has a fine grand 
dining-room, a bedroom, dressing-room, and bath. Be- 
sides all this, there is great tent on the deck, which 


would easily liold three liimdi'ed people. The ' St. Se- 
bastian ' is of the same power, and Eltz will consequently 
find himself Iodised as if he were the ambassador of 
Neptune himself. Ii is difficult to imagine all the 
people that these vessels contain : besides the Austrian 
ladies, there is the Portuguese Court — that is to say, 
three officials of the Court. Each of these "■entlemen 
has his wife and children with him, and they all have 
large families ; the Grand-Master, Castel-Melhor, has five 
children. The father, mother, and children have been ill 
the whole way from Lisbon to this place. The number 
of officers of every grade has been tripled. Above all, 
remember that a considerable number of cows, calves, 
pigs, sheep, four thousand fowls, some hundreds of ducks, 
-and from four to five hundred canaries, and lars^e and 
small birds from Brazil, and you must see that the ark 
of old Noah was a child's toy in comparison with the 
' Jean VI.' May God preserve this floating world from 
shipwreck ! The Admiral promises well : he engages 
himself to arrive in thirty-five or forty days ; you see, 
therefore, that the Portuguese can sometimes be prompt. 
231. August 12. — I have concluded my ceremony 
to-day, and con brio, I flatter myself. The act of giving 
up the Archduchess was very beautiful and very solemn. 
Every one assembled at eleven, and a quarter of an 
hour afterwards the ceremony commenced. It lasted a 
good half hour, and M. de Castel-Melhor received his 
royal Princess from my hand — unworthy from this mo- 
ment to touch hers — as the Portuguese, both men and 
women, in kissing it kneel on one knee. At two we had 
a grand dinner, which, by the by, did not do honour 
to the cook of his Imperial and Eoyal Apostolic Majesty. 
At four we all paid a visit to Admiral Penrose, on the 
' Albion,' a superb vessel of seventy-four guns. The 


Admiral gave a grand collation to the Archduchesses 
and the Grand Duke. The guns fired, and the show was 
magnificent, with the immense number of pleasure-boats 
that accompanied the Grand Duke, in which were the 
princes and great personages. All the men-of-war gave 
the royal salute, which is in my opinion one of the most 
beautiful sights that the ingenuity of man has invented. 
At six we conducted the Prince of Salerno and Mon- 
seigneur the Archduke on board their frigate, and left 
them there. They left that night with a fair wind for 

This same ' Albion ' was a good deal knocked about 
before Algiers. The vessel bears no marks, but there 
are a number of men on board who have only one arm ; 
amoncT others the Admiral's son-in-law, who commands 
the ship. 

August 13. — To-day at four I conducted the Arch- 
duchess on board. We embarked on that grand ship 
the ' Jean VI.' As we passed through the port we were 
saluted by all the batteries of the fortress, and by an 
immense concourse of spectators. It took us half an 
hour to reach the ship, which the Archduchess now 
saw for the first time. She thought her apartment very 
beautiful, and with reason : it would be difficult to make 
it more elegant. All the ladies on board are well lodo^ed : 
other people as best they may. At six the Archduchess 
Marie Louise came and joined us, upon which all the 
guns began firino; again. The sea was covered with 
boats, and the most lovely weather favoured the fete ; 
at niglit the two Portuguese vessels were illuminated. 
Their outlines stood out marvellously on a sea calm and 
smooth as ice. At ten, the wind becoming stronger and 
the sea rising very much, we re-embarked on our frail 
bark and re entered the port. 



The sea having been smooth all the evening, no one 
of the Princess's suite was sick except one of her maids, 
who will most probably not accompany her. The wind 
is contrary, the immense quantities of luggage and 
different packages must be put in order, so that the 
squadron Avill not be able to set sail for four-and-twenty 
liours. I shall go on board again to-morrow, and at 
three I shall leave for my baths. 

Before I start I will write you a line. The only 
person to be pitied on board is Madame de Lodron. 
She can only stand upright between the beams which 
form the ceiling of the cabin. Her bed is too short, so 
that it Avill be wonderful if she does not arrive at Brazil 
bent double by circumstances instead of age. You may 
guess what she will be like when she returns. 

232. Baths of Lucca^ August 16. — I have taken 
leave of my Archduchess. The squadron set sail yes- 
terday morning at half-past five ; before ten it was 
lost to sight, and our poor ladies were left to tlieir 
fate. Marie Louise left Leghorn yesterday, after the 
departure of her sister. She arrived here at mid-day ; 
dined with me and slept at Marlia, from whence she 
departed this morning by the Pontremoli road, which 
she wishes to see, because it will go through a great 
part of lier duchy. A road which exists only on paper 
is not convenient for travellers ; so she will have to ride 
fifty miles on horseback. I shall go one of these days 
by Sarzana to the Gulf of Spezzia. It would take thirty 
hours for this excursion, which would be interesting to 
me partly from curiosity : it would be interesting to see 
the plan of this road, which is of very great importance 
to us ; and I should visit in passing the quarries of 
Carrara. I shall sleep at Massa, and the next day 
I shall return here. I shall choose for this expe- 


dition one of the days of interruption ordered in every 

233. At the Waters of Lucca, August 29. — I shall 
leave here to-morrow morning and sleep at Massa, after 
having visited Carrara. The day after to-morrow (the 
31st) I shall start early in the morning for Lerici, where 
I shall see the Gulf of Spezzia, then I shall return to 
dine at Massa and sleep at Pistoia. On the 1st 1 shall 
go to Modena. On the 2nd I shall sleep at Parma, 
where I shall remain on the 3rd. On the 4th I go as 
far as Verona, where I shall have a meeting on business 
with Saurau and Goess. At Verona I shall decide ac- 
cording to the weather on the route by Bozen or by 
Ponteba ; I shall then also be able to tell you the pre- 
cise day of my arrival, which will not be before the 
11th or later than the 12tli September. 

My visit here has had the best results for all the 
affairs which brought me to Italy, and for some which 
I had not expected, but which came before me during 
my visit, I regret nothing in my involuntary change of 
plan, happy as it is in its results. I am leaving a httle 
country which is in every way very interesting, and 
from which I carry away a remembrance very dear to 
my heart. I have had the happiness of repairing many 
faults and follies, and I have prevented new ones being 
committed in a time more or less remote, which is very 
important for a country about to pass under another 
Government. I am more and more convinced that one 
only does well what one does oneself, and that one 
ought to be everywhere to do well. 

My visitors have dispersed into all parts of Europe. 
Golowkin started this morning for his retreat in Switzer- 
land. Wallmoden returned here from Leo-horn 
yesterday. He will start to-morrow for Florence, with 

E 2 


the intention of reviewing the troops which marched 
through that place from Naples. Kaunitz will accom- 
pany me to the Gulf, and we shall separate at Lucca 
the day after to-morrow. 

Here you have an exact summary of all my doings 
and all my movements. I leave these places with real 
regret, but I look forward to seeing you again with 
infinitely more pleasure, so that the balance is alto- 
gether in my favour. One must see this country to 
know that such a country exists, and this knowledge is 
a great consolation. 




234. Metternich to the Emperor Francis, Lucca, August 29, 1817. 

234. The course of waters and baths which have 
had so beneficial an effect on my health being now 
quite concluded, I shall to-morrow commence my 
journey back to Vienna. 

My first business after my return will be to give 
your Majesty an account of my travels in Italy, to 
Eome, Naples, Florence, and Lucca (No. 245). I am 
glad to think that I have lost neither time nor oppor- 
tunity of furthering your Majesty's service. It only 
remains for me to-day to offer your Majesty my most 
respectful thanks for so graciously permitting me to 
stay here and devote four whole weeks to my health, 
which has again given me strength to serve your Majesty 
with the same feehngs of personal devotion your Ma- 
jesty has long known me to possess. 


I see with pleasure that the baths of Lucca have 
been of service to you, and take note of the other infor- 

Fogaraa, September 12, 1817. 




Extracts from Metternicli's private Letters to his Family, from 
September 2 to September 9, 1817. 

235. From Modena— Massa and Carrara — differences of climate. 236. From 
Mantua— visit to Marie Louise at Parma. 237. From Verona. 

Metternich to his Wife, Modena, September 2. 

235. I liave arrived here, my dear, after the most 
charming journey possible. As I told you, I left the 
baths of Lucca on the morning of the 30th. I arrived 
at Massa the same day at two o'clock. After resting 
for half an hour, I went to Carrara, and I have returned 
to sleep at Massa. 

The road from Lucca to Massa is charming. On 
reaching the summit of the high mountains wdiich form 
the basin of Lucca, a magnificent plain opens to view 
of from three to four leagues in extent, and the immense 
reach of coast along the Mediterranean. The port of 
Viareggio hes at one's feet, and when it is clear Corsica 
can be seen directly opposite. The weather was superb. 
Massa is a small but very well built town ; the chdteau 
is large and very well arranged. From my bed I have 
a boundless prospect. The road from Massa to Car- 
rara is newly made; it is lovely, and you leave the 
most beautiful country to find yourself plunged in a 
wild valley not less beautiful because the scenery is of 
a different kind. You arrive at Carrara, and if you did 


not know where you were, you would find it out from 
every stone of the pavement. The worst stone of tlie 
country is a beautiful marble. The poor people's 
houses are of grey or white veined marble. The 
inhabitants are, for the most part, comfortably off, for 
everyone can find employment in the numberless 
workshops connected with sculpture. There are at 
least thirty studios, large and small, in which may be 
seen everything that one can desire. The best Roman 
sculptors have their statues made at Carrara; they choose 
a block, put it in hand, and finish it afterwards in their 
studios at Rome. Others come themselves to live for 
several months at the fountain-head for marble. I 
found there Ranch and Tieck, two Prussians of great 
talent, who make the most beautiful things for the 
King. Among other things, Ranch is now making a 
copy of the Queen's mausoleum. After having seen 
everything, I returned to Massa. The next day, at six, 
I started for Lerici. The view, when you arrive at the 
top of the mountains, and perceive the Gulf of Spezzia 
quite under your feet, is of the greatest beauty. I em- 
barked at Lerici, and crossed the Gulf as far as Porto- 
Venere ; from thence I went round the Gulf itself, in 
order to see it thoroughly, and returned to Massa at 
four o'clock. I dined there and slept at Lucca. Yes- 
terday I slept at a cursed place called Paulo, in the 
Apennines, where the Archduke had the kindness to 
send me a cook and attendants, which assuredly were 
not unnecessary. I arrived here this morning at eleven, 
and have spent the day in seeing the few curiosities 
Modena has to offer. 

One thing which strikes me is the extreme difference 
of the climate of Tuscany from that on this side of the 
Apennines. I have often been told that Italy proper 


commences on the south of that chain of mountains, 
and this is quite true. I here find Lombardy and 
Venetia again, while Tuscany is quite a contrast. The 
plants peculiar to the south are not found here. The 
fact is most striking at Lucca, and above all at Massa. 
Lucca is farther south than Tuscany, and Massa is 
like Sicily. The coast being narrow and the moun- 
tains acting as reflectors, it never freezes, nor is there 
even snow at Massa. Oranges grow abundantly in the 
open fields, and all succulent plants can be acchma- 

236. Mantua, September 5. — I arrived here this 
evening at nine, and I intend to leave again to-morrow 
at midday, and sleep at Verona, where the Governors of 
Milan and Venice are expecting me. 

I stayed nearly two days at Parma — that is to say, 
I arrived there on the third at seven in the evening, 
and I left to-day at noon for Colorno, where the Arch- 
duchess gave me a dinner. Her establishment could 
not be more comfortable ; her Court is marvellously 
arranged, and there is neither too much nor too little 
of anything. Parma in itself contains a number of ob- 
jects of interest. This town was the cradle of Correggio. 
The halls and walls are covered with his works ; he is 
for Parma what Giulio Ptomano is for Mantua. Nothing 
can be imagined more enchanting than what he has 
bequeathed to an age unhappy that it cannot imitate 
him, but happy to be able to admire him. 

237. Verona, September 6, 10 o'clock in the Evening. — 
This morning I have seen all there is to see at Mantua, and 
much even that is not Avorth taking the trouble to see. I 
arrived here at three o'clock. At Verona I have been 
to see all that my unfortunate eye prevented me from 
seeing in 1816, and I shall leave in an hour with the 


intention of staying to-morrow mglit at Bozen, wliicli 
is twelve posts from this. 

I write by the present courier to Pepi * at IQagen- 
furt, where I shall be on the 10th. You will receive 
news of me from that town by the courier wlio orders 
my horses, and who will arrive at least fifteen or six- 
teen hours before me. 

I hope I shall find you all in good health. I am 
most anxious about the pauvre petite,f but I am far 
from flattering myself that I shall find her convalescent. 
May I but find her better ! 

Adieu ! I have still to get rid of Saurau, Goess, 
and at least twenty people who are in my antechamber. 
My travels have ceased to be a pleasure. I am always 
tormented with honours, and consequently by annoy- 
ances of every description. 

• Count Joseph Esterbazy, subsequently Metternicli's son-in-law. 
t Princess Hermine, Metternich's daughter, who still survives. 



238. Metternicli to Lebzeltern at Petersburg, Florence, June 28, 1817. 

238. The progress of sects which are beginning 
to threaten the peace of many countries, especially in 
Central Europe, is an object worthy to occupy the 
attention of Cabinets. 

The human mind generally revels in extremes. A 
period of irreligion, a period in which pretended philo- 
sophers and their false doctrines have tried to over- 
turn all which human wisdom has recognised as inti- 
mately connected with the eternal principles of morality, 
has been necessarily followed by an epoch of moral 
and religious reaction. Now, every kind of reaction is 
false and unjust, and it is only given to wise and con- 
sequently strong men to be neither the dupes of false 
philosophers nor the sport of false religions. If any 
one doubted the intimate connection which exists be- 
tween the moral and material world, proofs would be 
found in the march and progress of certain maladies 
of the mind, which present all the sjnnptoms of true 
epidemics. Por some time the Methodists have made 
great progress in England and America ; and this sect, 
by following the track of all the others, is now beginning 
to extend its proselytism to other parts of Europe. 
There are at the present moment, principally in Upper 
Germany and Switzerland, hundreds of thousands of 
individuals morally affected by mysticism. The king- 
dom of Wurtemberg, the Grand Duchy of Baden, con- 


tain an entire population, fanatical to the point of 
abandoning all the comforts of this world to seek exist- 
ence and happiness in the holy places which they 
regard as the proper preparation for a future life. 
There are in Swabia whole families who practise the 
greatest self-denial, young men who will do nothing un- 
less they are allowed to emigrate either to Palestine or 
to some desert place, where, withdraMdng from all 
society, they can constitute among themselves a theo- 
cratic government more or less similar to that of the 
Jews after their departure from Egypt. Some of these 
sects have an exclusively moral and religious object. 
Others betray decided tendencies towards a political 
malady, and as Jacobinism, even extreme as it is, still 
admits of further extremes, many of these sects wish 
to found their new society on the principles of the 
agrarian law. 

You will have heard. Sir, of the extraordinary 
errors into which the so-called Poeschlianer in Upper 
Austria have fallen. A ramification of this same sect 
has been discovered in the country of Wurzburg, and 
young men, and especially young women, have given 
themselves up to the most frightful torments, and even 
to death, in order to render themselves worthy of Para- 
dise. In Swabia there are a number of Independents, 
a rehgious and political sect, who dream only of an 
agrarian law, theocrats who wish for the law of Moses, 
and many other associations, each one more fanatical 
than the other. 

You have doubtless seen in the Swiss newspapers, 
and especially in that of Aarau, articles which the 
Governments have been forced to pubhsh against the 
predications of Madame de Kriidener ; the tendency 
of this woman is more dangerous than all the others, 


because her predications are all intended to excite the 
indigent classes against the proprietors. She invites 
the poor to put themselves in the place of the rich, 
and her fanaticism no doubt prevents her from per- 
ceiving that she thus establishes the most vicious circle 
possible, as she would, in fact, thus give to people 
formerly rich but now poor, the undoubted right of 
ameliorating their condition in their turn, by putting 
themselves again in the place of those who had dispos- 
sessed them. 

It is, doubtless, worthy of the wisdom of the great 
Powers to take into consideration an evil which it is 
possible, and perhaps even easy, to stifle in its begin- 
ning, but which can only gain in intensity in propor- 
tion as it spreads. The Courts must not forget that 
there exist in Europe disturbers of the public repose, 
who are deceived in all their calculations by a firm and 
continued progress, and the just and liberal principles 
of the great monarchs who have saved Europe. These 
men, desperate, and forced from their last intrench- 
ments, regard as their own property all questions of 
disorder whatever, and it is perhaps reserved for us to 
see the editors of the ' Nainjaune ' and the ' Vrai Liberal ' 
preach against the vanities of this world, and to see 
Carnot and Barere make themselves the apostles of the 
New Jerusalem. This subject deserves the most serious 
attention ; it is connected with the well-being of society 
and the tranquillity of States more closely than is 
supposed, and the great Courts should not be slow to 
take into consideration the means of checking the 
designs of these fomenters of a new kind of revolution. 
I beg you. Sir, to sound the Eussian Cabinet on 
this subject, and to inform us of its ideas. The Courts 
will easily find means within their reach, whenever 


tliey come to an understanding with eacli otlier about 
the matter, and it belongs doubtless to the first 
Powers of Europe to confine their views to measures 
beyond the reach of the Governments of small States, 
who can only expel a dangerous individual from so 
small a territory, and who, if they endeavour to save 
their own people from the contagion, can only pass it 
on to their neighbours. 




239. Metternich to the Emperor Francis, Lucca, August 29, 1817. 

239. I have to-day the honour to lay before your 
Majesty a matter perfectly new to diplomacy. 

Some days ago a courier arrived from the Russian 
Cabinet, whom I at first supposed to have been en- 
trusted with some important communications. The 
value of these communications your Majesty will see 
from the copy I enclose of Count Nesselrode's letter 
(No. 240) ; the second enclosure is my answer to the 
same (No. 241). Your Majesty has no doubt been long 
convinced that the Emperor Alexander can never keep 
to the ordinary ways of men. In 1815 he abandoned 
pure Jacobinism, but only to throw himself into mysti- 
cism ; his tendencies being always revolutionary, so 
also are his rehgious feelings, and therefore he could 
not avoid assuming the protectorate of Bible Societies. 

I pray your Majesty to regard my answer to Count 
Nesselrode as meant exclusively for the Emperor 
Alexander, and so to judge it. If I have entered into 
many special details, I did this to put an end, at the very 
commencement, to correspondence between the two 
Cabinets upon Biblical subjects and religious police 
measures. The Emperor Alexander will assuredly cease 
to love and care for such narrow-minded Christians, 
when I, as your Majesty's Minister, represent your 
Majesty's views. 


I wish to leave no doubt in his mind that his notions 
of rehgious enhghtenment are not those of your 
Majesty, and that consequently such questions do not 
admit so easily of amelioration. It is very hard to de- 
termine to what extent this madness will reach. In all 
the ideas of the Emperor Alexander, the design of 
proselytising stands first ; with this object he wins 
over Jacobins in Italy and sects in Europe. Now ' the 
rights of man' give place to 'Bible reading.' It only 
remains for us quietly yet curiously to see what will 
be the next answer to my last despatch to Lebzeltern 
(No. 238), with respect to the dangers of mysticism 
and the common action of the Cabinets against its miser- 
able results. -,r 


Nesselrode to Metternich, July, 1817. 

240. Count de Stackelberg has informed us, my 
dear Prince, of your opinion with regard to the inter- 
view of the Sovereigns. His despatch crossed ours, 
and at this moment you doubtless know what we think 
on this point. You will have seen that we are agreed 
as to the utility and object of this interview. I may 
add to-day that we are not less so as to the locality of 
the conference, as well as to the indispensable necessity 
of inviting to it one of the most noted members of the 
French Ministry, and M. de Kichelieu in preference to 
any other. The Emperor is entirely of your opinion, 
that no capital or even residence would be convenient 
or useful for the conduct of the affairs which must 
be treated of there, and this conviction applies even 
more to small than to great capitals. It seems to him, 
therefore, that Aix-la-Chapblle or Mannheim would 
answer every purpose, and his Imperial Majesty will go 


witli pleasure in the course of next year to wliichever 
of the two places is chosen. Before the meeting, but 
not till within a short time of it, the Emperor will pro- 
pose an unimportant change. Instead of fixing on the 
month of June for the interview, he is anxious that il 
should not take place till some months later, for aftei 
the different arrangements his Majesty has made, and 
some necessary journeys into the interior of Eussia, it 
would be scarcely possible for him to arrive in either of 
the places above mentioned before September 10 of our 
style. I do not think, Prince, that this delay can present 
the least inconvenience, considering that even on Novem- 
ber 14, when the third year of occupation expires, we 
shall still have two months to discuss and decide this 
important business. 

The uniformity which has characterised the opinions 
put forth by our Cabinets on the subject of France pro- 
mises happily for the discussions which will take place 
on this subject. That being decided, the other ques- 
tions which may be mooted at this meeting of Sover- 
eigns and Ministers would not seem to be of a nature 
to present insurmountable difficulties. All leads one to 
hope that it will essentially contribute still further to 
consolidate the happy agreement which subsists between 
the principal Powers of Europe. The Emperor is so 
convinced of the beneficial effect of this grand har- 
mony of principles among the four Courts who have 
laid down the bases of the general association, that he 
feels it a matter of regret when, even in questions 
which are not of general interest, he sees that parti 
cular circumstances have provoked, in the States of one 
of the four sovereigns, measures which do not entirely 
correspond to the views of the others. Thus, his 
Majesty has been grieved that you have not allowed the 


Bible Society to exist among you, although it is formed 
by Protestants, and notwithstanding certain considera- 
tions, which his Majesty respects as much as he regrets, 
have obhged you to abolish so beneficial an institution, 
and above all one so agreeable to the tolerant princi- 
ples of your august master. I need not tell you, my 
dear Prince, how much his Majesty looks forward to 
the time he will pass with the Emperor Francis, and if 
the interview is of real utility as far as business is con- 
cerned, it will be not the less agreeable to the Emperor 
to enjoy the consolations of the most cordial and un- 
alterable friendship. 

From what Count de Stackelbersf tells us, I conclude 
you are still in Italy, and I have charged the courier to 
join you there. I hope this journey will brmg you all 
the pleasure you hoped from it. You have my best 
wishes. Allow me. Prince, to join, &c. &c. 

Metternich to Nesselrode, Lucca, August 20, 1817. 

(Supplement to No. 239.) 

241. Your courier, my dear Count, joined me here 
on August 18, in a corner altogether out of the world, 
where I am taking care of my health, of which for some 
years it has had much need. I am sure now that I 
have done right to take the Lucca waters, as I cannot 
take those of Carlsbad. I am very well, and I regret 
not having more than ten or twelve days longer to re- 
main in a charming retreat which unites all that can be 
desired in the way of health and repose. Imagine to 
yourself the most beautiful parts of Switzerland and 
Styria under the best Itahan climate ; perfect waters, 
not so strong, but very much resembhng those of 



Carlsbad ; good and pleasant society, a charming resi- 
dence, which Madame Elisa Bacciochi certainly did not 
prepare for me, and you may conceive how I shall soon 
be regretting the pleasures of the past. 

The despatch which I have addressed to Lebzeltern 
will have proved to you, my dear Count, that our views 
coincide with those of your august master concerning 
the interview of 1818. In reply, I may say that the 
Emperor Francis will repair to Aix-la-Chapelle, or to 
Mannheim, whichever is most convenient to the Em- 
peror Alexander. The result of the conference will be 
like all those which have preceded it, the Sovereigns 
and the Cabinets will part once more with perfect har- 
mony of views and wishes. 

I am pleased, my dear Count, to rectify an error 
which I find in your letter. We have never abohshed 
a Bible Society among us, for one never existed. I 
beheve, however, that I am in a position to assure you 
that the Emperor will never allow the establishment of 
one, and the confidence you have in me induces me to 
acquaint you with his Majesty's reasons. 

I begin by referring to our position with regard to 
the Holy See — that is to say, by assuring you that no 
Catholic Power is more independent than we are of all 
direct submission to the Court of Rome. The heir of 
so many Emperors of Germany, and the nephew of 
Joseph 11. , knows what is due to God and his crown. 
Our ecclesiastical departments perhaps even push their 
dogmas on the rights of the Crown too far, but if so, 
the excess is assuredly not in favour of the Court of 

The CathoUc Church does not encourage the uni- 
versal reading of the Bible, and it acts in this respect 
like a father, placed above the passions and consequently 


the storms of life. The Church not only allows but 
recommends the reading of the Sacred Books to men 
who are enlightened, calm, capable of judging the ques- 
tion. She does not encourage the reading of mystical 
books, or of passages full of crimes and obscenities 
which the Book of Books contains only too often in his- 
tories simple like the first ages, and like all that is true. 
For myself, I think the Church is right, and I judge by 
the effect which the reading of the Bible has on me at 
the age of forty, so different from that which the same 
reading produced on me at the age of fifteen and twenty. 
I can only compare this difference with that of the im- 
pressions produced at difierent periods of life by the 
reading of the classics, the contemplation of the beauties 
of nature, or the monuments of art. 

I read every day one or two chapters of the Bible : 
I discover new beauties daily, and I prostrate myself 
before this admirable book ; while at the age of twenty 
I found it difficult not to think the family of Lot un- 
worthy to be saved ; Noah unworthy to have lived ; 
Saul a great criminal, and David a terrible man. At 
twenty, I tried to understand the Apocalypse; now I 
am sure that I never shall understand it. At the age 
of twenty a deep and long-continued research in the 
Holy Books made me an Atheist after the fashion of 
Alembert and Lalande, or a Christian after that of 
Chateaubriand ; now I believe, and do not criticise. I 
have read too much, and seen too much, not to know 
that reading is not necessarily understanding : that it 
would be too bold in me to condemn what through 
ignorance, or insufficiency of knowledge, I comprehend 
so imperfectly. In a word, I l)elieve, and dispute no 
longer. Accustomed to occupy myself with great moral 
<piestions, what have I not accomplished or allowed to 



be wrought out by the simple course of nature, before 
arriving at the point where the Pope and my Cure beg 
me to accept from them the most portable edition of 
the Bible ? Is it bold in me to take for certain that, of 
a thousand individuals chosen from the milhons of men 
of which the people are composed, there will be found, 
owing to their intellectual faculties, their education, or 
their age, very few who have arrived at the point where 
I find myself? 

Now, my dear Count, in this very simple reasoning, 
which is also the Emperor's, we find the motive of his 
Majesty's constant opposition to the introduction of 
Bible Societies, and in this matter his ideas coincide 
with those of the Holy Father. 

There is another consideration which bears upon 
this at the present moment, and which seems no less 
strong than the reasons above set forth. The world 
just now is sick of a peculiar malady, which will pass 
away like all other epidemics ; this malady is called 
mysticism. I have recently addressed to Lebzeltern a 
long despatch on this subject (No. 238), which he has 
probably shown to you. I assure you that at the present 
day it would be easier to renew successfully the sermons 
of Peter tlie Hermit, than to make individuals attacked 
with this malady understand tliat God desires to be 
served otherwise than by the spilling of blood, and that 
men are not to be judges of tlieir neighbour's con- 
science. See what is passing in Germany ; see the 
success of the preaching of Madame de Kriidener, 
whom you have very wisely sent back to Eussia, and 
of so many other unfortunates who understand the 
Sacred Books in their own fashion, which, be sure, is 
not that of God and the Saviour. 

It is commonly believed tluxt tlie Pope does not wish 


Catholics to read the Bible, with the view of preventin^^ 
their being enlightened. It is possible, and I admit that 
Gregory VII. and Alexander VI. may have taken this 
into account ; but that was not the reason of the ancient 
practice of the Church and the moral precepts of the 
Councils. A Pope may sometimes fear tlie light, but 
it is permitted even to the wisdom of the Church to 
fear the fire : if a Pope does not wish the faithful en- 
Hffhtened, the Church does not wish them to be dazzled. 
The Pope is wrong, but the Church is right, and tlie 
Emperor Francis takes in this matter the side of the 
Church, while at the same time he despises and rejects 
all prejudice. 

You see, my dear Count, that I am writing to you 
from a retired place, where I have plenty of leisure to 
write, and also to forget that you will have scarcely 
time to read my letter. Throwing myself at the feet of 
the Emperor, I beg you to rectify the mistake he has 
made when he supposed that any Bible Society what- 
ever has been suppressed among us. 

For the rest, no transaction in the kingdom is more 
free than the reading of the Bible according to all the 
different rites. You may find thousands of copies m 
all the libraries : it is bought, and extracts carefully 
chosen are distributed in the schools. The Protestants 
in Austria read it, as everywhere else, in their own lan- 
guage and according to their own version. For myself, 
I read only Luther's translation, the best which has ever 
been made in any country, and in a living language. 

Adieu ! I need not tell you how happy I am to 
think that there is no longer any such thing as distance 
in Europe, thanks to the resolution taken by the sove- 
reigns of meeting in person at places where they tliink 
they can act together for the common good. This 


great and noble brotherhood is of far more value than 
all the treaties, and will ensure for a considerable time 
what the good Abbe de St. Pierre wished to estabhsh 
for ever. Receive, &c. 

P.S. — IbeUeve I said in my last despatch to Lebzel- 
tern on the subject of the interview of 1818, that the 
Emperor my august master would arrange the meeting 
to suit the convenience of his Majesty the Emperor 
Alexander. If I have not said it, 1 do so now, and I 
hasten to inform his Imperial Majesty of the project of 
September 10. 



242. Metternich to the Emperor Francis, Lucca, August 17, 1817, 

242. The Court of Naples seems to intend to 
improve tlie occasion of the death of the Holy Father to 
lay violent hands on Benevento and Pontecorvo, and it 
appears that this was one of the principal reasons for 
the removal of your Majesty's army corps from the 
kingdom. The Neapohtan Ministry has, in consequence 
of this idea, engaged in an intrigue in Petersburg, and 
even ventured to make a similar attempt in England. 
The first I discovered in a secret manner ; the other 
was told in confidence by Herr Aroust to our ambas- 
sador. I undertake -to say that these designs shall not 

The very first notion, the groundwork of modern 
politics is and must be peace, and the fundamental 
idea of peace is the security of property. If the first 
Powers of Europe depart from this principle. States 
which are small and scarcely independent must follow 
them, wilhngly or unwilhngly. 

Wliether Benevento and Pontecorvo shall belong to 
the King of Naples or to the Eoman See is immaterial ; 
but that Naples, either by intrigue or force, should in 
1817 give the first example of an alteration of posses- 
sions settled by the act of Congress — this is a most 
important question. 


I will myself give your Majesty an account of the 
whole position of affairs, and the explanations of the 
Cabinets, so soon as they are given. It is not possible 
to wait for your Majesty's commands, therefore I pro- 
ceed exactly in the strictest sense of the principles 
above set forth, because I know they are those of your 

The Neapolitan intrigue gives me a good opportunity 
of making all the Courts aware of your Majesty's prin- 
ciples, and the nature of the Imperial pohtics. If 
heaven has, in the last few years, richly blessed the 
efforts of Austria, the world has to thank for this hap- 
piness the upright and invariable character of her 
pohcy. All that may be attempted by others against 
it will be shipwrecked. I beg your Majesty to accept 
this consolation from my hand at the moment of part- 
ing, while the consciousness that I have never misled 
your Imperial Majesty is the highest reward I can 

One new and fortunate turn in great political affairs 
is the vigilance, almost amounting to tension, of Eng- 
land against the views of the Eussian Emperor. The 
conduct of the latter, and his interference in the 
internal affairs of Spain have brought about this ad- 
vantage. England, France, and Prussia draw closer to 
us, and we have beaten Eussia and Spain out of the 
field by the Parmesan victory. I will very shortly 
despatch a courier to your Majesty with information on 
these matters. Your Majesty is at the present time the 
only preserver of peace in Europe ; and not peace 
merely, but all forms of it lie in your Majesty's hands. 


God grant that I may be able to secure peace in 


Europe during my own life and, if possible, to my 
successors. Your greatest pride and consolation must 
surely be to have conducted me to the position in which 
things now are. 




243. Metternicli to the Emperor Francis, October 27, 1817. 

244. Report. 

243. May it please your Majesty ! For some 
time your Majesty has been pleased favourably to 
regard my views on certain points in the internal 
administration, and to-day I consider it my duty to 
touch upon the first steps in the execution of this very 
important matter. 

In the enclosure (No. 244) your Majesty will find 
the plan worked out, which, as a first draft, is slight, 
but still contains, I believe, all that is really important. 

Your Majesty knows from long experience that all 
desire for unnecessary alteration and dangerous distur- 
bance is far from me. In my Eeport tliere is nothing 
glaring, nothing revolutionary, not a single dangerous 
principle. I uphold order, because, from an adminis- 
tration internally too complicated, disorder must ensue. 
In a kingdom like Austria, where so much has been 
prepared by the glorious government of a Maria 
Theresa, and the theoretical experiments of your 
Majesty's predecessor — in a kingdom in which every 
occasion proves that true public spirit animates the 
majority of the nation ; lastly, in a kingdom where 
your Majesty comes forward in your own august person 
as the most successful lawgiver for the welfare of the 


people — it requires no extraordinary efforts to act 
for the general good. The cause of the existing evil 
(and where is there none ?) must be sought and found, 
and the result of this attempt must be set forth in 
simple phrases. This work I have undertaken as soon 
as I felt myself sufficiently enhghtened and strong 
enough for the task. 

Everything that I now bring before your Majesty 
I bring as the result of a conviction which — standing 
the test of a long self-imposed probation — has grown 
in my mind from the strongest evidence. Your Ma- 
jesty will find in my work nothing new to your Majesty. 
All the points now shown in a connected form I have 
brought before your Majesty separately in many con- 
fidential conversations ; the defect in the administration 
and the means of remedy have long been evident to 
me, but I hesitated to express without consideration 
and proof what must have such imjDortant conse- 

With every day my mind has gradually limited 
itself to rendering the propositions more simple. I 
have looked into everything and considered everything, 
and the result of what I venture to call my certainly 
true propositions is, without any doubt, extremely grati- 

No time is less suited than the present to bring 
forward in any State reforms in a wide sense of the 
word. But, happily, the machine of State is constructed 
on such good principles that, in a wide sense, there is 
really nothing in the machine itself to be altered. 
Everything that I have proposed concerns the first 
principles of the whole. And here I do not venture on 
one reform tending to the overthrow of normal forms, 
but merely a regulation of the parts, and those, indeed, 


tlie already existing organic parts of tlie central 
authority of the State. 

In my plan I am intentionally silent on the future 
condition of Hungary. This subject, one of the most 
important which can occupy the attention of the State, 
is of so complicated a nature that it cannot be handled 
in a fragmentary manner. Your Majesty has heard the 
proposal for the subversion of the Hungarian Government 
often and boldly expressed. Even in the year 1811, 
at a period in which such an undertaking would inevit- 
ably have caused the overthrow of the monarchy — and 
in 1813, when, if not so dangerous, even then every 
energetic expression of it would have been impossible — 
this question was brought forward as if it were a mere 
matter for peremptory decision. If I at that time ex- 
pressed myself against the idea, I did not at all mean to 
deny that, with time and opportunity, with cooler re- 
flection and more undisturbed repose, the great work of 
the civilisation of Hungary — for this must first of all be 
the question — should be brought forward with due effect. 
The few remarks which I have made on the connec- 
tion of my ideas on the central government of the whole 
monarchy with the position of Hungary are indisputable. 
In proportion as the action of the supreme power is 
strengthened will the obstacles disappear which even 
now are so powerful against a more reasonable and, for 
Hungary itself, invaluable alteration in her administra- 
tion and constitution. 

That by the carrying out of my proposals every evil 
will be avoided in the future, I am far from expecting. 
But that a reliable Government, resting on enhghtened 
principles, set forth in the clear words which are the 
necessary consequence of clear ideas, smooths the way 
for all good, while, on the contrary, a confusion of 


ideas in the Government stands in the way, is not to be 
denied. Besides, there is no human institution which, 
if it rests on clear fundamental principles, does not im- 
prove as it progresses ; while a tendency to still greater 
inabihty and confusion is the inevitable result of a con- 
trary position. 

And in this truth, confirmed as it is unmistakably 
by the experience of all ages, lies one of the chief 
reasons which must incline your Majesty to enter upon 
a firm organisation of the very foundation of the admi- 

The Government, as it is at present, rests in its daily 
working too entirely on the principle of centralisation. 
The machine of government goes on, because its springs 
are well put together and well guided, and because there 
is at the head of the administration a monarch capable 
of ruling. How little this would be the case on the 
occurrence of that sad catastrophe which in the course 
of nature must befall the monarchy is known to your 
Majesty ; for your Majesty is as man and as father what 
your Majesty is as monarch — clear and unprejudiced in 
opinion and judgment ! Your Majesty is called to look 
forward and provide for that time, and to this end there 
is but one road which promises success. 

Under your Majesty's eyes, under your Majesty's 
fostering hand, the chief Government must be organised 
in such a manner, as may best preserve it from going 
astray, or at least not make it easy to do so. Let your 
Majesty only think what would be the present progress 
of affairs without your Majesty's presence, without the 
influence on which that progress is almost exclusively 
founded. But the strength and durability of a great 
Government rests not alone on the estabhshment of prin- 
ciples; at first, (and for States, years are often no more 


than moments) not only the chief leader, but all the 
instruments must grow accustomed to the new sphere 
of action. Your Majesty has done nothing for posterity 
even if during the latter period of hfe your Majesty 
should pass some great administrative measure intended 
for the future ; for the only possible guarantee for the 
duration of a moral work lies, not merely in principles, 
but in the choice of means for the execution and main- 
tenance of the new system. A feeble successor to your 
Majesty would then find it as difficult to overthrow a 
sound and well-established Government as it would be 
impossible for him to produce or inaugurate one. 

Your Majesty will be pleased to accept this my humble 
Eeport with the same gracious favour of which I have 
already received so many proofs. It expresses my 
deepest conviction shortly and simply, as alone is 
worthy of my aims, and of your Majesty's comprehen- 
sive insight. 


244. The daily observation of the course of pubHc 
affairs in the monarchy, affords proof that, with a 
number of good laws and administrative rules, the 
Government still does not possess that degree of strength 
which constitutes the true idea of a monarchy. The 
cause of this want of strength is, I believe, confined to 
the organisation of the supreme administration. To 
discover without prejudice how this evil became pos- 
sible and in what it consists we must above all consider 
the principles of the formation of the collective 
monarchy into its present whole. This idea clearly and 
truly Set fortli will make evident the means of im- 


In political and administrative respects, the Aus- 
trian Empire, from its numerous constituent parts, 
forms a federal State under one common monarch. 

The greater portions of the monarchy — Hungary, 
Bohemia, the two Austrias, Transylvania, Croatia, &c. — 
have old and peculiar constitutions, which are more 
or less in force, but still always exist. New additions, 
such as Tyrol, Vorarlberg, Galicia, the two Italian 
kingdoms, &c., even those which were ancient posses- 
sions of the Archducal house, have had permanent con- 
stitutions granted by their monarchs, with due regard 
to their former ch'cumstances and present needs. 
These countries, so different in climate, speech, manners 
and customs, had their own crowns, which were all 
borne by the Austrian Emperor, and three separate 
coronations took place on his accession to the Govern- 

These circumstances are undoubtedly worthy of the 
deepest consideration of the Government, for in them 
are seen the separate nationalities of the different parts of 
the Imperial State. In this as well as in many other 
respects the position of the Austrian monarch is like 
that of no other. 

In its pohtical and geographical aspects the Austrian 
State forms an open country in the midst of the Euro- 
pean continent. Surrounded on all sides by greater or 
smaller neighbours, it lacks, from the highest point of 
view, a connected military frontier. The monarchy 
must consequently seek in itself, in the common feehng 
of its peoples, in their political, mihtary, and financial 
administration, its greatest strength. 

Convinced of this truth, I am none the less sure that, 
if Austria requires a greater expenditure of strength for 
her self-preservation than any other European State 


(Prussia excepted), with us, as ever, true and indepen- 
dent strength is only found as the result of an intelligent, 
definite, and well-arranged system of government. 

In following out this idea, there are for Austria but 
two positions worthy of consideration : — 

Either the entire merging of all the separate parts 
of the monarchy in one single form of government ; 

Or, the careful regulation of the reasonable long- 
existing differences sanctioned by speech, climate, 
manners, and customs in the various districts of the 
monarchy, under a strong, well-organised Central Go- 

The idea of thorough incorporation was the founda- 
tion of the Emperor Joseph's system of government. 
During his time the boldest theories were launched. 
He made an attempt at fusion, and a few years sufficed 
to see it repealed. 

Although the unity of all the executive means which 
an administration has at command may be the most 
active and convenient form of power for a Govern- 
ment, certainly the thorough amalgamation of such 
heterogeneous parts can only be the result of a mighty 
revolution ; or at best, a Government can, under such 
circumstances, only escape the dangers of a revo- 
lution by the greatest consistency and energy. This 
truth is undeniably proved by the events of the three 
last decades. How difficult a real system of fusion 
must be in a kingdom which contains so many different 
languages and races of people, whose provinces were 
mostly brought together by conquest, follows from the 
nature of things. The miscarriage of the attempt, and 
especially its entire repeal by the Emperor Joseph, 
renders the case still more difficult, so that I am quite 
convinced that a forcible system of fusion is an empty 


and dangerous hypothesis, and smce somethmg of the 
kind is now necessary, I desire to bring forward the 
Idea of a Central Representation of the nation. 

Only the investigation of the question remains — In 
the Austrian kingdom how can the greatest possible in- 
crease of strength be attained — 

[a) In respect to the nationalities of the populations 
and their existing constitutions; 

{h) With the least possible modification of the pre- 
sent forms of government. 

I lay it down as an undeniable position that a 
Government in order to be stronjr needs more than good 
laws. Besides sound principles, its mode of action must be 
in harmony with its position, and this is not the case in 
Austria. The monarchy consists, as we have said, of 
the most heterogeneous elements. This heterogeneous 
character, however, is regarded unequally, sometimes 
insufficiently, sometimes too decidedly, even on the very 
steps of the throne itself. Hungary and its annexed 
States enjoy privileges which even tend to impair the 
action of the great machine of State, while other pro- 
vinces divided from each other both by name and con- 
stitution, lose their distinctive features only too entirely 
in the existing central administration. 

Hence for Hungary there arose a privilege which 
nearly amounted to the idea of independence, while the 
nationality of the other Austrian States was lost by 
friction betAveen the Government and the provinces.. 
By its present oi'ganisation the supreme German power 
withstood the undeniable tendency to fusion, while- 
the machine of State itself — as I have shown above — 
rested and must rest on an entirely opposite principle, 
in accordance with its best interests. This tendency,, 
arising as it did from the organisation of the chief au- 



tliorities, became powerless by continued friction ; 
under its influence the healthful object of the centrali- 
sation of administrative power degenerated into a mania 
for details, which would destroy the spirit of the highest 
administration. This evil can be checked by a word of 
the monarch, by one single measure ; and the disappear- 
ance of most of the present difficulties will give the 
Government that degree of strength and activity which 
it requires for the good of the monarchy. As I do 
not believe that a true and enlightened centralisation is 
possible in the ways hitherto attempted, it is the object 
of my endeavours to attain this end, and that, too, by 
a much easier path. 

From a certain stage downwards the monarchy is 
very well and wisely organised. The arrangement of 
its provinces, its organisation in circles^ &c., could cer- 
tainly not be replaced by any other with greater re- 
spect for the nationalities of its subjects, or greater 
care and regard for justice and mercy in its administra- 
tion. But in the very highest stage of all is the Govern- 
ment itself, the centre of all power, and of this only 
we here speak. 

Good must follow from an explanation of the 
official positions in the Government, grounded on funda- 
mental principles clearly put forth and practically em- 

The supreme power in every great monarchy is 
subdivided in the branches of the administration, which 
are separate offices, yet all united for one end. These 
spheres of action are, in modern times, in which the 
public feeling busies itself principally with political and 
administrative subjects, certainly better understood and 
explained than they are in most States, and perhaps 
than they ever were before. 


The different branches or departments of business in 
every great State may be properly divided as follows : — 

1. Foreign affairs. 

2. Internal administration (home affairs) 

3. Finance. 

4. Military affairs. 

5. The administration of justice. 

6. The police. 

7. The Board of Trade [Rechnungs-Controle). 

It is hardly possible to think of any business which 
does not fall under one or other of these heads. 

The business in each of these separate departments 
may be divided into two parts : — 

a. Affairs as seen from the highest — that is, the 
moral — point of view. 

h. The executive, or technical part. 

In every well-ordered body these two parts must 
be separately considered, and the technical part, as con- 
taining the means of execution, is ever closely connected 
with the moral part, though always subordinate to it. 

In this sense the appointment of a Finance Minis- 
ter, who already supplies the place of the President of 
the Chamber of Commerce, is an arrangement which 
answers extremely well. The immediate and natural 
sphere of the Finance Minister cannot be questioned. 

A similar arrangement — the inevitable consequence 
of every improved organisation — should now take place 
in the administration of home affairs. To express my 
ideas plainly on this reform, I can only ground them on 
the above-mentioned principles. 

I begin with the axiom that the system of fusion, 
requiring as a first measure the renaming of the king- 
doms and provinces (as happened in France at the 
beginning of the Eevolution), is excluded from all con- 

G )i 


sideration. On this hypothesis the following arrange- 
ments seem to be the most suitable : — 

1. The head of the department of Home Affairs 
shall receive the title of High Chancellor and Home 

2. Under him four Chancellors, forming with him 
the Ministry of Home Affairs. Their sphere is marked 
out by the nationalities of the provinces and the rela- 
tions arisimx from local considerations. 

To these may be nominated :- — 

a. A Chancellor for Bohemia, Moravia, and Galicia, 
under whose care these countries should be placed. 

h. An Austrian Chancellor, under whom should be 
the Austrian provinces above and below the Ems, 
Styria, the Innviertel, Salzburg, and Tyrol. 

c. An niyrian Chancellor, over lUyria and Dal- 

d. An Itahan Chancellor, over Lombardy and Venice. 
In this organisation the Home Minister is. the gu?rd- 

ian and representative of the unity of the Govern- 

Each Chancellor in the Ministry represents the im- 
mediate affairs of the provinces under him. He repre- 
sents in those provinces the idea of the unity of 
Government and maintains its principles as much as 
possible under the given circumstances. 

Every Chancery [Kanzellariat) must have the neces- 
sary number of officers of different grades. 

All the fundamental and higher points of adminis- 
tration will be brought before the Home Minister in 
conference. The immediate arrangement of the ad- 
ministration belongs to each Chancellor in his own 

It is evident that, by this organisation the Hungarian 


and Transylvanian Chancery will be reduced from the 
high position they take at present to a share in the 
treneral administration. 

In this course I see the first step to a gradual 
reformation in both these countries. But since in the 
present work I do not wish to confuse the real and 
immediate improvements easy of accomplishment with 
the far more extensive and difficult reforms required in 
Hungary and Transylvania, I will enter no further into 
this matter. 

As in the Chamber of Commerce so in the adminis- 
tration of home affairs the evil exists that matters, which, 
though of the most different forms, yet belong to one and 
the same branch of the administration, are, for want of 
centrahsation, the business of inferior officers or 
managed still more injuriously by means of Reports 
from the different countries [Lander-Refer ate). It is 
necessary for the general good that these matters should 
be brought under proper direction. . . . 

It is not, however, at all my intention to carry out 
every possible improvement without preparation, as it 
were at one blow, and — as is unhappily the case at 
present — without a strong administrative Government. 
My Report is to-day confined to the following mea- 
sures : — 

1. That your Majesty will vouchsafe to decree the 
formation of Ministries, and first of all, in addition to 
the existing Ministries for Foreign Affairs and Finance, 
a Home Minister and a ]\Iinister of Justice. Neither the 
Police nor the Board of Trade seem to me at all suitable 
to be raised to Ministries, and they may retain the title 
of Presidents without injury. 

2. The organisation of the Home IMinisiry under a 
Minister and four Chancellors. 


The natural and inevitable consequence of the first 

measure will be the organisation of this Ministry in all 

its different departments.* 


* It is knowu that in consequence of this Report a single high office was 
established uuder the name of the ' United Chancery ' {^vereiniyte Ilufkmidd), 
which added to the Bohemian, Galician, and Austrian, the Illynau-Italian 
provinces, hitherto under the Central-Hofcominission, and brt^ught them all 
under one common head. 

The Royal Patent referred to described this measure, declaring that 
' This Supreme Central Home Ministry shall, in accordance with our system 
of unity, lead all countries and peoples to the same individual and general 
welfare, bring the public obligations into equal proportions, spread culture 
and education on just and uniform principles, and at the same time ob- 
serve and foster, with the greatest tenderness, the various peculiarities and 
ditlierences in speech, manners and customs, climates and hereditary dis- 

' As a result of these principles, we are led to the formation of one great 
(Chancery, and to appoint and nominate, under oui* Home Minister — 

' A Bohemian-Moravian Silesian, 

' An Austrian-Illyrian, 

' A Lombard- Venetian, and 

* A Galician Chancellor.' 

Count Saurau was at the same time appointed Home Minister and High 
Chancellor ; Count Lazansky was made Chancellor for Bohemia, Moravia, 
and Silesia ; Freiherr von Geiszlern was Austrian-Illyrian Chancellor ; and 
Count Mellerio the Lombardo-Venetian Chancellor, 

In the same year Prince Metteruich wished to proceed with the reform 
of the central administration. It was part of his plan to reorganise the 
provincial Diets {Provinzial atdnde) and to form from these bodies a central 
representation of Austria — a Reichsrath. In the above Report mention 
i.-' made of a ' central representation,' and if it is not placed in the most 
favourable light, yet the connection of such an institution with the greater 
centralisation of the administration is pointed out. The attentive reader 
will not fail to observe the prudent care with which the minister evidently 
strives to preserve his proposals for reform from any appearance of novelty. 
But that Metternich's ideas of reform were not limited to the creation of 
a Home Ministry is proved, beyond doubt, by evidence in the Chancellor's 
own hand of a subsequent period. The passage alluded to was apparently- 
written for the unhappily imperfect ' Autobiography,' and is as follows : — 

' While I declared [it was in the year 1817] as a fact defying all scrutiny, 
that the Austiian Empire possesses peculiar and exceptional conditions of 
existence and prosperity, and that it could only be a question of using, not 
removing, those conditions, the problem was, as far as I was concerned, 
limited to the discovery of the forms to be used and the means of carrying 


them out. The Brst is expressed in the idea of the strengthening of the 
Central Government ; the other led me to the point whether this increase of 
strength was to be found in centralisation according to the French idea, or 
by a consideration of the separate parts of the kingdom in relation to the 
Imperial power. My answer could not be doubtful. Thu question was of 
the preservation, not of the disintegration, of the Empire, and I took my 
stand on the principle of the legislative regulation of the parts and the 
simultaneous strengthening of the Central Government in its legislative and 
executive departments. 

' In those parts there exist representative Diets which must be formed 
into one central body. The task was then, in spite of the difficulties in- 
separable from such a form, easier to define than the present state of things. 
I propose, therefore, a revision of the Diets in order to form a Reichsrath, 
which would extend from the centre outwards — f^om the Emperor to the 
landed proprietors selected — to be completed by delegates from the different 
Diet^. To this new central point the scrutiny of the budget and every law 
will be submitted which concerns the community. 

* The Emperor Francis saw the importance of the thing, but put off its 
examination from year to year and, after his recovery from a severe illness 
which he had in the year I8:i7, declared his firm determination to take 
my Report into consideration. At the end of the j'ear 1834 the Emperor 
told me that he reproached himself for not having carried out the matter, 
but that before the end of the year 1835 the declaration should be made. 
Two months afterwards he was no more ! ' 

We must confine ourselves to these extracts, for we have not succeeded 
in finding the Report to the Emperor Francis here alluded to, which is hardly 
to be wondered at, considering the dilatory conduct to which the matter 
was exposed for eighteen years. — Ed. 



245. A memorandum by Metternicli to the Emperor Francis. 

246. Metternich to the Emperor Francis (Report), Gratz, November 3, 

245. Your Majesty will vouchsafe to remember 
that m October of last year I took occasion to lay before 
your Majesty the necessity of becoming acquainted 
with the action of the Government and the particular 
causes of the general dissatisfaction of the Italian States. 

My principal object was, first, if necessary, to be 
able to act beneficially on the Government ; secondly, 
from the data collected, to gain a firmer footing for 
administrative principles in our own Itahan provinces. 

At the same time I took the liberty of getting well- 
informed men to go to Florence, Modena, Parma, and 
Eome, and bring reports to your Majesty for this 
purpose. Your Majesty vouchsafed to look favourably 
on my views, and allowed me to accept from Counts 
Diego Guicciardi and Tito Manzi the offer I had invited 
them to make. 

These gentlemen have now returned from their 
travels. Tito Manzi cannot but confess that everything 
which he saw and heard during his mission in Italy 
convinced him of the great and general dissatisfaction 
there prevailing. He divides the evils weighing upon 
Italy into two classes, namely : — 


General trouble, from wliich no State in the penin- 
sula is free ; and 

Particular grievances of each of these States. 

Manzi ascribes the first of these* to two principal 
causes : one resting, according to him, on nature itself, 
which has for three years been very severe on this 
country ; the second he ascribes to the results of the 
conquest, which, by overthrowing pohtical order, has 
shattered the foundations of the pubhc welfare. 

On closer enquiry into the particular grievances, 
Manzi described the attitude of the separate States given 
back to Italy — rulers being set against the people, as 
well as the latter against their Governments. He began 
with Naples and Sicily, then came to Eome, and from 
thence to Tuscany, Lucca, Modena, and Parma, con- 
cluding with Piedmont. 

Your Majesty will permit me to follow the same 


Naples and Sicily. 

Manzi regrets that Austria did not support the 
party which strove to raise Prince Leopold to the 
throne of Naples, and had not made the division of 
the two crowns conditional on the union of that Prince 
with the Archduchess Clementine. The prejudice of 
the ex-minister of an illegal Government for these revolu- 
tionary ideas ought not to cause surprise, and it is quite 
natural that he should look at Austria's advantage in 
this matter after the fashion of Napoleon, Murat, &c. 
But what would have been useful and serviceable for 
them would be prejudicial to a legitimate Government, 
whose policy must rest on the indestructible founda- 
tions of justice and integrity. 

Your Majesty will vouchsafe to remember that in 
the course of the winter of 1815, the attempt was made 


by the ambassador, Prince Jablonowski to find out the 
point of view from which his Court regarded these 
ideas ; being ordered, however, to reject immediately 
any such communication, as so contrary to the principles 
of your Majesty that our ambassador dare not venture 
to bring it to your Majesty's knowledge. 

It is not surprising that Tito Manzi, who knows 
nothing of the negotiations which accompanied the 
Act of Union of the two kingdoms, dwells on the un- 
pleasant impression which this measure has produced 
on the Sicilian nobles, who had wished to be released 
from the constitution of Lord Bentinck, on condition of 
a complete reinstatement in their rights and privileges. 
The Neapolitan Government, on the other hand, intended 
the overthrow of Bentinck's constitution, because it 
was not in itself adequate to the end proposed, and 
because it tied their hands. For the same reasons 
also they could not wish to restore the old, and this 
the less because Sicily, instead of contributing in just 
proportion to the burdens of the State, was financially, 
under both constitutions, itself a considerable burden. 
By the union of the two kingdoms, however, the 
Government secured the great financial advantage of a 
gradual introduction of the Neapolitan administration 
into Sicily. 

Your Majesty will remember that the happy con- 
clusion of tliese negotiations was a great cause of 
satisfaction to King Ferdinand IV. He owes it also 
unquestionably to the interposition of your Majesty 
with the English Government. It was no easy task 
to induce the British ministry to surrender a constitu- 
tion drawn up by Lord Bentinck, and introduced into 
Sicily under English influence — a question which, as 
it was a Parliamentary question, was exposed to two- 

KOME. 91 

fold difficulties. But it suited our interest to enter into 
the designs of the Neapolitan Court, and thus prevent 
Sicily from serving as an example to the kingdom of 
Naples subsequently, and also to prevent the numerous 
constitutionalists of this kingdom (supported by this 
example) from seeking to induce the ministry to give 
them also a representative form of government. The 
union of the two kingdoms was, moreover, the surest 
means of rendering impotent the awkw^ard reports 
which were current with regard to Austria's design of 
placing Prince Leopold on the throne of Naples, and 
made the separation of the two crowns impossible for 
the future. 

These were the grounds which moved your Ma- 
jesty to support the present negotiation. To your 
Majesty King Ferdinand owes its happy termination, 
but he and his ministry attributed the greatest impor- 
tance to the carrying out of this change, and to the 
declaration of Austria and England that it would not 
be opposed by these two Powers. It would, then, be 
false and ungrateful of the King to wish it to be 
beheved that he was constrained or forced to these 
measures by your Majesty. Such an assertion could be 
believed by no one, and if it were really made would 
redound only to the disadvantage of the King himself. 


It is certainly remarkable that a former minister of 
Murat's should do such full justice to Cardinal Consalvi 
and his views as is done by this Tito Manzi. Whether 
he speaks of him well or ill, both are with foundation ; 
and although one may regret that the Cardinal-Secre- 
tary supported his own work so feebly and was himself 
the cause of the motu propria failing so entirely, never- 


tlieless the great service cannot be denied him of having 
had the courage to inaugurate in the States of the 
Church a form of government and principles v^ell 
suited to prevent (at least during the course of his mi- 
nistry) a violent reaction which would have been dan- 
gerous to all the Italian States. 

If the course of the business of the administration 
was often interrupted by the disorder existing in the 
bureaux, yet it cannot be denied that the action of 
Cardinal Consalvi and the strength of his policy were 
successful in securing the peace of the capital, getting 
rid of the brigands or holding them in check, and 
by means of a very small armed power (a body of from 
15,000 to 17,000 well-clothed and well-disciplined men) 
making the Government respected. 

The Cardinal's political principles are known to your 
Majesty, and Manzi does him injustice, I think, when 
he doubts the sincerity of his feeling for Austria. Car- 
dinal Consalvi is certainly as much devoted to us as the 
head of the Papal Ministry from his office can be, and 
certainly no less sincerely desirous to remove the hin- 
drances which arose in consequence of Prince Kaunitz's 
negotiations (No. 249) with the Papal See, for he shared 
our feeling of the necessity (for the maintenance of 
peace in Italy, and the support even of the Papal Go- 
vernment) of a thorough agreement between the Eoman 
and Austrian Courts. 

Monsignor Pacca, Governor of Eome, and Head of 
the Pohce, is, according to Cardinal Consalvi, of all the 
Government officials, the most important. He seems to 
be a man of great resources, strong character, and much 
activity, but perhaps somewhat too severe. He would, 
if he were not restrained, be inclined to take energetic 
measures against the dissidents (Sectirer), and especially 


against the adherents of the last Government. Happily 
we succeeded in bringing him into confidential relations 
with us, and we made use of them to persuade him to 
a similar course with ours in pohce business. 

As Manzi remarked, there can be no doubt that in 
the Legations, and especially in Bologna, there existed a 
so-called Austrian party, which cherished the hope that 
your Majesty would on the death of the Holy Father 
take this province under your protection. During my 
residence in Tuscany an attempt was even made to gain 
me over to this. I, however, rejected this idea as con- 
trary to your Majesty's principles and opposed to the 
late transactions. And, in fact, in spite of all the ad- 
vantages that a union of the Legations with the Lorn- 
bardo-Yenetian kingdom seemed to ofler, I was far from 
being convinced that this union would be a real gain 
for the monarchy. I believe rather that Bologna, from 
the day when it belonged to Austria, would have become 
the centre of the opposition party against the Govern- 
ment in Italy, and that the same unquiet spirit which 
now led to the desire to join us would be turned against 
us as soon as Bologna came into our j)ossession. 


Unpleasant as is the picture drawn by Manzi of the 
present state of Tuscany, of the weakness of the mi- 
nistry, of the individuals composing the Archducal 
ministry, and of the sadly altered feeling in tliis coun- 
try, I cannot but feel that it is quite a true one. The 
data which I was able to collect during my stay in 
Florence, tlie results of my own observations, my con- 
versations with the Grand Duke and his ministers, con- 
vinced me that no State in the world is more easy to 
govern and make happy than Tuscany. It would like- 


wise depend on joiiv Imperial Highness, even while 
materially lightening the burdens of the people, to 
become the richest monarch in Europe, Manzi cal- 
culates the revenues of these States alone at twenty mil- 
lion livres. I reserve to myself to show your Majesty in a 
separate Report that the revenue amounts to nearly 
double that sum. With such comparatively important 
resources, one cannot but be astonished that the Arch- 
duke's treasury is always empty, that the loans to the 
fiscal board make twelve per cent., that many useful 
public institutions lie idle, that all classes of the popula- 
tion are more or less discontented ; and, lastly, that a 
land so highly favoured by nature should have lost 
even the hope of a happier existence. 

I will report verbally to your Majesty on this 
matter, and on the little I was able to effect during my 
residence in this interesting country, as well as give an 
account of my efforts to prepare the way for more con- 
fidential relations between the two Courts. 


Some months ago (May 1817), I was able to lay 
before your Majesty, through Lieutenant Werklein, 
Manzi's views on the causes of the discontent in this 
country, as well as on its government. The provisional 
Governor may have allowed himself to be urged by his 
subordinates to many false measures ; but yet he is a 
worthy man, who by his zeal, activity, and integrity, 
has a claim on your Majesty's favour. 

At my departure I had the opportunity of observing 
that all classes of the population, although they desired 
the termination of the provisional (Austrian) Govern- 
ment, did full justice to our principles — indeed, that they 
even reckoned on our support if their future ruler 


tried to govern tliem at all in imitation of the Madrid 


The short time (twenty-four hours) that I stayed in 
Modena did not suffice to show me whether and how 
far Manzi's assertion of the dissatisfaction reigning there 
among all classes was well founded, and whether it was 
true that the Archduke does not enjoy the affection of 
his subjects. I should be more inclined, however, to 
suppose that there is some exaggeration in Manzi's opi- 
nion of the administration and the ruler of this country. 
If the country is really badly governed, which 1 am far 
from positively asserting, certainly the fault must be 
with the Archduke, for he alone administers the go- 
vernment. To judge from some conversations with him, 
I should, however, suppose that he carries on this ad- 
ministration more like a wealthy and prudent landowner 
than as a sovereign. 

What Manzi observes of the general discontent may 
arise from some cause easy of explanation. This little 
country furnished the greater number of the distin- 
guished servants of the State in the late Kingdom of 
Italy, and many of them had reached the highest places 
in that Government. Deprived of their offices, without 
prospect for the future, they regret their former influ- 
ence, their emoluments — in fact, they have lost all that 
nourishes and flatters human ambition. The latter 
circumstance made it necessary to return to their father- 
land, where they were but coldly received by their 
sovereign, and apparently subjected to a strict observa- 
tion ; hence they naturally formed in Modena a centre oi 
opposition to the present Government. Now, however, 
the Duke begins, in spite of his prejudice against the 


whole class, to give some of them civil and mihtary 

It is certain that between the Duke of Modena and 
the Eoman Court, or, more properly, between that 
Prince and the Cardinals, close relations exist, and that 
this powerful party in Eome exercises in Modena a real 
influence detrimental to our interests in Italy. There is 
also no doubt that the Courts of Modena and Turin are 
in daily confidential agreement, which, far from being 
favourable to us, is intended to undermine our influence 
in Italy. Lastly, it is not to be denied that the Duke of 
Modena takes a part in complete opposition to our in- 
terests, which are, indeed, difficult to be comprehended 
by any Prince not of the House of Austria. But your 
Majesty knows him, and that he holds obstinately to his 
opinions ; hence I believe that to attack these too 
sharply would risk the danger of alienating him from 
us permanently. These considerations led me, during 
my very short stay in Modena, not to touch on so deli- 
cate a question, but to confine myself to laying the 
foundations of the happiest relations. 


If my residence of two days in Parma was too short 
to learn the course of the Government there, its defects 
and its advantages, as well as those of the persons en- 
trusted with its direction, and to gain a right idea of the 
grounds of the dissatisfaction and its influence on pubhc 
feehng, yet tliis short stay was sufficient to convince me 
that Manzi's deplorable picture is in many respects too 
strongly drawn. Since the removal of Count Magaroh, 
her Excellency the Archduchess devotes herself eagerly 
and anxiously to business. She presides over the min- 
isterial councils, and the final decision rests with her. 



Parma is not a fertile district ; its commercial re- 
sources are unimportant. It has suffered much of late 
years from the passage of troops, from the want so 
prevalent in Italy, and, lastly, from an epidemic resulting 
from this distress. It is therefore possible that the 
public burdens are not connected with the present posi- 
tion of affairs ; moreover, the finances do not seem to be 
so badly managed as Manzi describes, since I have found 
a balance in your Majesty's coffers, in spite of the ex- 
penses of a too costly army, an expensive Court, and 
large assistance to the public institutions. 


Of all the Italian Governments the Piedmontese is 
indisputably the one which calls for the most anxious 
attention. This country unites in itself all the different 
elements of discontent, and from this point of view I 
find Manzi's representation correct. 

His remarks on the anxiety which the arming of 
this Power must create are not so just. The King of 
Sardinia, indeed, constantly occupies himself since his 
restoration with the formation of his army, and chiefiy 
with the ^preparation of the means of bringing it quickly 
to a strength out of all proportion to the j)opulation and 
finances of his States. However, the results have not 
so far corresponded with his efforts or his expectations. 

I observe, too, that notwithstanding the widespread 
and well-founded grounds for dissatisfaction in the Sar- 
dinian States, and even in Genoa, which bears the yoke 
of this Power with great impatience, and does not con- 
ceal its annoyance, a revolutionary movement is not to 
be feared in this country. 

Consequently, it is the intriguing policy of the Turin 
Cabinet alone which requires our careful observation. 


Your Majesty will have seen on many occasions that 
my attention has been directed to it, and that I have 
given this Cabinet itself distinctly to understand that 
none of its intrigues are unknown to us, and that we 
shall find means to prevent their success. 

There is no doubt that the Turin Cabinet entertains 
ambitious views which can only be gratified at the ex- 
pense of Austria. I had lately the opportunity of giving 
the Cabinet of St. James's a convincing proof of this, 
and urged them to join us in keeping watch on the 
proceedings of the Turin Cabinet. To this our efforts 
must, in my opinion, for the moment be limited. The 
Sardinian Court is, especially since its union witli Genoa, 
too much bound to maintain its relations with England 
to venture on a political course contrary to that Power. 
This powerful motive must therefore weaken the ambi- 
tious designs entertained against us by the Sardinian 
Court long enough for us to ally ourselves closely with 
Great Britain, and we shall always have this counter- 
poise also to oppose to its intrigues at the Eussian Court. 
In addition to which the king's present Ministry neither 
appreciates nor enjoys the confidence of the other 
branches of the Government ; it is divided in its views 
and intentions. 

Under such circumstances, the present position of 
things in Sardinia affords us the means by constant ob- 
servation of its movements, and a continuance in our 
own straightforward and proper course, of rendering 
innocuous the feeling entertained against us by that 

The Affairs of the Dissidents in Italy. 

I have for some time been certain of the existence in 
Italy of several secret fraternities, which, under different 


names, foster a spirit of excitement, discontent, and 
opposition. The designs and resources of these, their 
leaders and relations to each other and to foreign na- 
tions, are all points needful for us to discover in order 
to form an estimate of the dangers which may grow out 
of them for the peace of Italy. Two years of active 
and unbroken observation convinced me that the actual 
existence of these different sects cannot be denied, and 
if their tendency is mischievous and in opposition to the 
principles of the Government, on the other hand they 
fail to enlist leaders of name and character, and lack 
central guidance and all other necessary means of or 
ganising revolutionary action. In design and principle 
divided among themselves, these sects change every day 
and on the morrow may be ready to fight against one 
another. Manzi is here, I believe, quite right when he 
observes that the surest method of preventing any one 
of them from becoming too powerful is to leave these 
sects to themselves. 

If these explanations are for the moment less dis- 
quieting, yet we must not look with indifference on such 
amass of individuals, who, more or less adversaries of 
the existing order of things, may easily be led to disturb 
the public peace, especially if it is ever united by the 
alluring pretext of Italian independence. 

England has for the moment relinquished these 
chimeras, and since she gave her consent to the union 
of Genoa with Piedmont and the withdrawal of the Bent- 
inck constitution in Sicily, she has almost entirely lost 
the confidence of the Independents. 

If we can accept Manzi's idea, the Eoman Court 
secretly protects the sect of Guelphs, and makes use of 
the assistance of Modena to counterbalance the influ- 
ence of Austria in Italy and extend its own. He thinks, 

H 2 


too, that this Court constantly trembles lest disturbances 
should break out in these States caused by the In- 
dependents and numerous adherents of the late King- 
dom of Italy. The present Papal ISiinistry is too en- 
lightened not to see that no Italian State has more rea- 
son to guard against a revival of the agitation than the 
States of the Church, and that their greatest strength 
hes in close relations with Austria, and I cannot believe 
they will attempt to use against neighbours so dangerous 
a weapon, which may be turned against themselves. 

France, whose policy has always consisted in up- 
holding a party in Italy to paralyse the influence of 
Austria, has under her present Government too great 
an interest in holding in check the revolutionary ele- 
ments which are obstructive to her own government, 
to encourage and support similar elements in foreign 

Spain, not hitherto of much political importance, 
will at first confine herself to gaining some adherents 
in Lucca and Parma who certainly do not belong to the 
class of Liberals. 

Our anxiety regarding foreign influence can, there- 
fore, only reasonably fall on either Prussia or Eussia. 

Prussia is too seriously engaged with the moral 
j)Osition of her own provinces to turn her attention 
outwards. The influence of Austria in Germany is 
necessary to her, and our relations with the Prussian 
Court exempt us from any anxiety lest, under present 
circumstances, she should encourage complications in 

As to Eussia, though I do not permit myself to en- 
tertain any suspicion against the feelings and views of 
the Emperor Alexander, which I believe to be sincere 
and pure, I am yet very far from being easy as to the 


spirit and the principles revealed by his ministers and 
innumerable agents in Italy. It is unknown to me 
whether the latter are or are not provided with instruc- 
tions from their Court in this respect. In either supposition 
it is clear that they are actively employed in a way 
quite contrary to the interests of Austria, and furnish 
their Court, if ever a war breaks out between Eussia 
and Austria, with the means of preparing very perplex- 
ing complications for us on the side of Italy. It has 
long been my endeavour to obtain such undeniable 
proofs of this as will enable me to appeal to the recti- 
tude of the Emperor Alexander, and call upon him to 
stop a scandal so opposed to the feelings which he ex- 
presses to your Majesty. 

If the Eussian Cabinet is carrying on this game 
without the knowledge of its sovereign, he will know 
how to put a stop to it. If this is being done by' his 
command, the Emperor Alexander will never be able to 
stand by a proceeding so different from the just prin- 
ciples he has proclaimed ; and since it must be a matter 
of interest to him not to place himself in a false light 
before the eyes of Europe, or to compromise himself 
prematurely, the certainty that none of the intrigues of 
his agents are unknown to us will induce him to re- 
strain their dangerous activity, at any rate for a time. 

If these views be correct, I may flatter myself with 
the hope that, even if we admit the supposition of 
foreign influence, the sects in Italy will, for the present, 
occasion no real danger, if without active interference 
we continue to watch them. 



The consideration and review of these data on the 
moral condition of all the Italian Governments (with 
the exception of the Lombardo-Yenetian kingdom) fur- 
nish the following results : — 

That the discontent is universal ; that if this discon- 
tent was a natural consequence of the sufferings en- 
gendered by the last unfavourable years, and of the 
pohtical changes which have taken place since 1814 
and 1815, it must also be ascribed to the bad adminis- 
tration of the Governments ; that in Italy, especially 
in its southern regions, and in Bologna and Genoa, 
there is undoubtedly a great ferment in the minds of 
the populations supported by the different sects, the 
tendency of which is without doubt dangerous, while 
the sects themselves, from the want of known leaders 
and of concerted action among themselves, are not 
nearly so dangerous as we might fear ; that, notwith- 
standing the existence of this explosive matter, a re- 
volutionary movement in Italy is not to be feared so 
long as it is not set on fire and maintained by some 
foreign Power ; lastly, that at the present moment no 
Power can in this respect occasion real alarm. 

If this picture is very far from being satisfactory, 
it yet gives us some ground to moderate our fears, and 
at the same time some advantages by which we may 
profit to make the Austrian Government popular in 
Italy, and to gain reputation and win the alliance of 
neighbouring nations, none of whom are content with 
their present lot or with their Governments. 


Lomhardo- Venetian Kingdom.^ 

Even the most zealous adherents of the last Govern- 
ment admit that the administration of the Lombardo- 
Venetian kingdom had many essential advantages in 
comparison with the other States of Italy. They allow 
that all classes of the population were equally subject to 
the laws in Lombardy and the Venetian provinces ; that 
the nobles and the rich did not maintain the upper 
hand ; that the clergy were kept in subjection ; that the 
changes made in property and sanctioned by law were 
respected, and that a veil of oblivion had been drawn 
over the past — that is to say, that no one was exposed 
either to pubhc or private persecution. Apart from 
the justice done in this respect to the principles of the 
Austrian administration, it would, however, be a mis- 
take to infer from this that general dissatisfaction was 
not prevalent in the provinces subject to your Majesty. 
Your Majesty has been informed of this state of things 
by the governors of the provinces and by the presidents 
of the police courts, and it cannot be unknown to your 
Majesty that the tedious progress of business ; the 
design attributed to your Majesty of wishing to give 
an entirely German character to the Italian provinces ; 
the composition of the courts, where the Italians daily 
see with sorrow German magistrates appointed to offices ; 
and the prolongation of the controversies between the 
Vienna Court and the Papal See, are the main causes to 
which this discontent is ascribed. Since these causes 
appear to me to be all more or less of a kind capable 
of removal, and since the paternal views of your Ma- 
jesty have in this respect long been known to me, I 
think it my duty to repeat again, with the greatest 
respect, how important it would be, from a political 


point of view, to remove as soon as possible these 
defects and shortcomings of the administration in this 
most interesting part of the monarchy, to quicken and 
advance the progress of business, to concihate the 
national spirit and self-love of the nation by giving to 
these provinces a form of constitution which might 
prove to the Italians that we have no desire to deal 
with them exactly as with the German provinces of the 
monarchy, or, so to speak, to weld them with those pro- 
vinces ; that we should there appoint, and especially in the 
magisterial offices, able natives of the country, and that, 
above all, an endeavour should be made to unite more 
closely with ourselves the clergy and the class of writers 
who have most influence on public opinion. I do not 
doubt that it is possibia to attain this most desirable 
and beneficial end without encountering great difficulties, 
and even without being exposed to the necessity of de- 
parting from those general principles upon which the 
administration of the other parts of the monarchy are 
based — principles which unquestionably must be pre- 
served in the interests of the common weal, though theu' 
application may admit of many modifications. I cherish, 
lastly, the hope that whenever your Majesty is induced 
to set in motion the salutary designs long contemplated, 
and to establish the well-being of these provinces on an 
enduring basis, public opinion will declare itself for 
Austria, discontent will disappear with its causes, and 
the Italians will at last regard Austria as the only 
Government which can afford a sure support to public 
tranquillity. If ever this day should come, then the 
influence of foreigners will cease to be feared, and we 
shall gain one far more essential with our neighbours — 
the influence given by opinion. 

R^SUM^. 105 

Metternich to the Emperor Francis, Grdtz, 
November 8, 1817. 

24:Q. I liave the honour to submit to your Ma- 
jesty in the accompanying documents the results of 
the labours which I undertook in Italy, and of the 
observations which I there made. That my chief work, 
which I enclose with this (No. 245), is drawn up with 
perfect truth, and contains a faithful picture of the 
present state of things in Italy — for this I vouch. The 
result of my observation, which has grown to be abso- 
lute conviction, is that the Austrian Government has 
only to observe a steady course in order to play in Italy 
apart to which your Majesty is in every respect called. 
A great work has been done by the new relations in 
which your Majesty has placed the Government of the 
Lombardo-Venetian kingdom. In consequence of this 
constitution public opinion will pronounce entirely in 
favour of your Majesty, and in these measures hes all 
the good which we are entitled to require of adminis- 
trative measures ; they fulfil naturally the just wishes 
of a nation, and they are of a nature to strengthen the 
power of a Government. This purpose can always be 
attained in the ways now indicated. 

In our Itahan provinces there prevails at this moment 
the greatest dissatisfaction with the measure — in itself 
very natural, and supported by sohd grounds — for the ex- 
tension of the general custom-house laws to these coun- 
tries. This extension has been made with a view to local 
demands and local relations ; against which nothing can 
be said. Wherein, then, do the difficulties (among 
which I include some natural and easily obviated griev- 
ances) consist ? A casual conversation with the President 


of the Chamber of Commerce has given me information 
on this point. 

In the Lombardo-Yenetian province there is httle 
taste for manufactures : most of the articles in daily 
use Italy imports from foreign countries. France and 
England have made the greatest advances in manu- 
factures. These two States, with an industry pecuhar 
to them, supply all the markets of Italy. In Austria, 
too, the manufacturing spirit is in a tor^^id condition. 
Our manufacturers care but little to make themselves 
known in foreign countries, and the Italian provinces 
were and are in this respect for Bohemia and Austria 
still foreign countries. Now we have made such decrees 
for protection and j)rohibition that none of our manu- 
factures are known in Italy. The merchant beyond the 
Alps, therefore, naturally thinks himself abandoned and 
neglected. Impressed with a feeling of this great dis- 
advantage, the Board of Trade now makes arrangements 
to send samples and patterns to Italy. 

The sending of samples, the renewal of correspon- 
dence between the retail dealers of Milan and the 
manufacturers of Bohemia, ought to have been the first 
measure. The Government ought to have taken care 
that on the day of the prohibition the Italian merchants 
had had before their eyes the equally good and equally 
cheap, if not cheaper, wares. The second measure 
would then have been quite naturally the prohibition 
of foreign wares, and this would have silenced the out- 
cry, or reduced it to an empty groundless criticism of 
a few ill-affected persons. 

I will venture to touch on another circumstance 
which deeply affects the minds of your Majesty's Italian 

Your Majesty is too well acquainted with the state of 


things in Italy not to be aware that, in nearly the whole of 
the peninsula, it is the custom in all the most cultivated 
classes to send the sons who are destined for literary or 
commercial professions to Tuscany for instruction in the 
language. If your Majesty will authorise the provincial 
guilds in Tuscany to grant permission for the study ol 
the Humaniora to young people from ten to twelve 
years old on the representation of their parents, without 
further interrogation, this would produce an excellent 
impression on the cultivated part of the community, 
and it would be a great object to the Government to 
retain business men who are masters of the Italian lan- 
guage. This remark is the more important as the edu- 
cational arrangements in the monarchy are not only 
such as to interfere with or prevent the journeys of 
young people, but even those of foreigners and strangers. 



247. Metternicli to Professor Matthiius von Collin, December 10, 1817. 

248. Metternicli to Carl Bottiger, December 27, 1817. 

247. His Majesty the Emperor lias commissioned 
me to take the new literary journal under my imme- 
diate though unacknowledged direction. 

The notice I herewith enclose may therefore, with 
the shght alterations I have made, immediately appear.* 

The contract is concluded with the Messrs. Gerold, 
the publishers, 

I appoint you, sir, to be chief editor. 

As second editor I appoint M. Pilat. It will be his 
business to be entirely at your disposal, and to act as 
middleman whenever it happens that you are prevented 
from direct intercourse with me. The conduct of the 
business, however, rests, sir, entirely with you. 

The criticism of the journal may be divided into 

* The object of the Jahrbiic/ier may be inferred from this notice : 
' Everything properly considered as belonging to the duty of a literary 
journal will also be the object of this Jahrbiic/ier. It will endeavour to in- 
clude reviews of the most important writings by contemporaries in the whole 
sphere of knowledge ; impartial criticism will be its first law and the gro'ond- 
work of our best efforts. 

' The Jahrbiicher will devote especial attention to the encouragement of 
knowledge in the Austrian States, where great industry is already shown by 
the learned men of the Fatherland in many branches of knowledge, and 
there is a great increase in the peculiarly Italian literature ; it will also 
strive to bring before its readers those works in every literature by which 
science or art can be advanced. The object of this institution is especially 
this : to give a satisfactory survey of the most important of the great and 
noble works of contemporaries who, however divided by national peculiari- 
ties, are all led by one and the same aspiration for the advancement of 
knowledge.'— Ed. 


two parts. To the political j)art I will myself attend. 
The literary and scientific part will be entrusted to one 
who was well known when President of the Chief Court 
of Police. The necessary introduction I will forward 
without delay. 

In carrying out this matter and in all measures ne- 
cessary for the conduct of the business, I shall, sir, 
always await your reports and suggestions. 

Metternich to Carl Bottiger, Vienna, December 27, 1817. 

248. I have received your esteemed letter and first 
literary report, and read them with great j)leasure. I 
beg of you to continue the same and to rest assured of 
my gratitude. 

In the enclosure you will find an invitation to take 
part in an undertaking long proposed and always de- 
sired by yourself. The new journal rejoices in the pro- 
tection of the Government. The first expenses of an 
institution which can onl}^ be maintained by its success 
will be granted on the part of the State. His Majesty 
the Emperor, from a feeling of the utility of the more 
than ever laborious work of which the truly learned 
men of the present day are capable, will furnish the ne- 
cessary funds for the undertakings of our most eminent 
men in particular departments of science and literature. 
This is the only kind of interference suitable for the 
Government. The character of the learned men who 
have been invited to join in the editorship will ensure 
that the criticisms in the Jahrhilcher der Literatur shall 
always be of a thoroughly learned and truly cosmo- 
politan character. I should, however, not have thought 
it proper, sir, to send you this invitation myself if I 
had not been encouraged to do so by my former personal 
acquaintance. Receive, &c. 



249, Metternicli to the Emperor Francis, Vienna, December 1817. 

249. When I left Vienna for Florence last June the 
chief subjects of negotiation with the Holy See with 
which I was charged by your Majesty were the fol- 
lowing : — 

{a) His Holiness to renounce the right he has 
hitherto held of nominating archbishops, bishops, and 
other dignitaries in the former Eepublics of Venice and 

{b) The practice to be given up of requiring the 
newly appointed Italian bishops to go to Eome to have 
their appointments confirmed by the Pope. 

(c) The proceedings against the preconisation of the 
newly appointed Bishop of Brlinn to be given up, and 
the misunderstanding removed with regard to the Bishop 
of Munkatsch. 

{d) The differences to be arranged which had arisen 
on the part of the Pope, as to the oath to be taken by 
the Austrian bishops at their installation, and the cere- 
monies to be observed thereat. 

(e) The reservations to be made for the preservation 
of our ricfhts on the cession of the clerical jurisdiction 
hitherto practised on Piedmontese territory by the Arch- 
bishop of Milan and Bishop of Pavia. 

(f) The Papal confirmation to be obtained for the 


new dioceses arranged by your Majesty in the States of 
Lombardy and Venice, in Tyrol and Vorarlberg. 

Your Majesty knows the reasons why I thought it 
best not to make use of your Majesty's kind permission 
to go to Eome, which reasons restricted me to a con- 
fidential correspondence with the Cardinal Secretary of 
State, Consalvi, and this at a most unfavourable time* 
in consequence of the illness of the Pope and the un- 
usual compliance just then shown by France towards 
the Holy See in the formation of a concordat. I am, 
however, happy to be able to inform your Majesty that 
all these points have been arranged according to your 
Majesty's wishes, except concerning the journey of the 
newly appointed Italian bishops to Eome ; and with 
regard to this latter point, such modifications have been 
arranged that (by putting aside the qucestio juris to be 
decided at a more favourable opportunity) there is every 
hope of attaining the aim de facto. 

With regard to this, the folloAving explanations will 
give further details : — • 

{a) His Holiness the Pope has not only agreed to 
the renunciation in question but has issued a bull, by 
virtue of which the sovereign right of your Majesty and 
your successors is acknowledged for ever — the right, 
that is, to nominate the Patriarch of Venice and all 
archbishops and bishops in the whole territory of the 
former Eepublics of Venice and Eagusa, as far as they 
are incorporated in the Austrian kingdom. 

{b) Unsuccessful attempts have been made to induce 

• Metternich reported to the Emperor Francis from Florence, July 19, 
1817 : — ' The Pope's health is always in the same very uncertain condition. 
The state of things in Home, however, is such that we shall gradually gain 
all reasonable objects without an actual negotiation. My non-appearance 
in Rome causes much surprise, and I make use of this feeling in the way 
which seems to me most useful.' — Ed. 


the Eoman Court to declare that the newly appomted 
bishops in Lombardy and Yenetia are exempt from the 
obligation that binds all other Itahan bishops to go to 
Eome to have their appointments confirmed, but we 
have been given to understand, confidentially, that his 
Holiness may probably be willing to grant dispensations 
in single cases, where the newly appointed bishop, from 
age, weakness, or want of means, is unable to take the 
journey to Rome. 

(c) The Bishops of Briinn and Munkatsch nominated 
by your Majesty have, in consequence of the negotia- 
tions, already received the Pope's confirmation with the 
bulls referring to it, and consequently have taken their 
episcopal seats. 

(d) The Eoman Court makes no further objection to 
the explanation as to the oath of the bishops and the 
ceremonies observed at their installation, and has tacitly 
acknowledged the practice by giving the apostolic con- 
firmation to the above-named Bishops of Briinn and Mun- 
katsch without insisting upon an alteration of the usual 
oaths and ceremonies. 

(e) In order to be secured against the disadvantages 
which might have arisen from giving up the clerical 
jurisdiction hitherto practised by the Bishops of Milan 
and Pavia, an ofiicial declaration has been obtained from 
the Court of Turin that this renunciation shall have no 
effect whatever on the temporalities and corporations, 
seminaries and religious institutions, which have had 
property, personal or otherwise, or drawn their revenues 
from Piedmontese territory, but that they shall con- 
tinue in their undisturbed possession and enjoyment. 

(/) His Holiness has declared his willingness to 
sanction the new division into dioceses as arranged by 
your Majesty, and to send the bulls concerning it as 


soon as the documents still wanting have arrived in 
Rome. These documents I shall therefore despatch 

* Besides the measupes mentioned in this paragraph, referring to the 
regulation of the home atiairs of the Empire, Metternich had a great influence 
on many other arrangements of importance for the Empire, although docu- 
mentary evidence of the same is not forthcoming. Thus Tyrol got back its old 
constitution of States; Dalmatia was divided into five districts; the kingdom of 
Illyria was formed of Carinthia, Carniola, and parts of the maritime States; 
all the provinces of Austria in Germany were declared parts of the German 
Confederation, &c. All these arrangements were brought about by the co- 
operation of Metternich during the first years of peace, 181G and 1817. 

A statesman of Prince Metternich's character, who enjoyed the full con- 
fidence of his monarch, and possessed a great amount of experience gained 
in dirticidt times, as a matter of course extended his care to the internal 
development of the Empire, because of the close connection of the internal 
condition with the foreign aflairs with which he was entrusted. But the 
nature of a well-arranged official organisation accounts for the fact that only 
on rare and very important occasions are any documents to be found by the 
head of a department on subjects foreign to his sphere of action. For the 
personal intercourse with the monarch the proceedings at the green table of 
the conference, where the interchange of ideas takes place verbally, leave, as 
a rule, no written traces — at least none of a kind to be accessible to future 
inquiry. Besides, it is to be remembered that during Francis's reign, no- 
body more strictly enforced the legal limits of competence in his officials 
than the Emperor P'raucis himself, while during Ferdinand's reign the 
power of the Chancellor of State in the home administration (much over- 
estimated by contemporaries) was baffled by many paralysing influences. 
The want of autobiographical memoirs for this and the next period, explains 
our being induced by the title of the book which here closes to make these 
short remarks (illustrating the subject and partly forestalling its history) en 
Metternich's proceedings in the department of home policy. — Ed 









Extracts from Metternich's private Letters to his Family, from 
July 8 to August 26, 1818. 

250. Arrival at Carlsbad. 251. Begins the waters. 252. Arranp-ement of 
the day. 253. Madame Catalani — Valabregue aud Goethe. 254. From 
Kouigswart — Strassenbau — the Abbot of Tepl. 255. Anxiety about 
Metternich's father. 256. His death. 257. Departure from Konigswart. 

Metternich to his Wife, Carlsbad, July 8, 1818. 

250. Here I am, my clear, in this place of charms 
and delishts. It will deserve that name from me the 
day I am thoroughly re-established in health. I came 
at a deuce of a pace from Vienna here ; I took only 
forty hours on tlie journey ; they could not do more in 
England or Italy. I left Collin at five in the morning 
yesterday, passed three hours at Prague, and reached 
Carlsbad at midnight precisely. The town is overflowing 
with strangers. 

251. JnlyW. — I am still expecting Staudenheim,* 
naturally enough, for he could only arrive to-day if he 
did not leave Vienna till Wednesday. I do not trust 
]\is talent as a courier ; I have never seen a little 
man Uke him post quickly, and I give him eighty liours 

• I r. Staudenheim was Count Metternich's private physician. — Ed. 


to make the same journey as I did in forty. If lie does 
not arrive during this day, I shall begin to-morrow to 
drink the Neubrunn. It is the best known and the 
safest spring, although the least powerful. After tliat 
I shall go wherever Staudenheim wishes to take me ; 
you know that I always follow bhndly the advice of my 
medical man. For the rest, I shall begin my cure under 
very good auspices. My health is improved by the jour- 
ney, and were it not for a cursed lumbago which seized 
me yesterday when stooping to wash my face, I should 
be very well. Yesterday I could hardly walk ten 
steps during the day. To-day I am better, though still 
suffering very much. I do not know how it is that I 
have the talent of getting ill on every occasion. 

I have arranged my manner of life according to the 
customs of the place. I am in bed every night at half- 
past ten, and I rise at six. Everybody is at the waters 
at half-past six ; they breakfast at ten, dine at three, 
and eat no supper. 

252. July 13. — I wish Baden was situated like 
Carlsbad, which is really charming. I have never staid 
here long enough to know all the surroundings ; the roads 
are all good : during the last twelve years they have been 
made on all sides. One can now get to Eger in three 
hours, and consequently to Konigswart * in six. We 
have the most beautiful weather : it is very hot, and you 
know how I appreciate heat at this season. I live en- 
tirely by rule. From six to eight in the morning I rush 
about with seven or eight hundred persons like so 
many fools. We meet at nine for breakfast, and this is 
very pleasant ; the tables are laid before the different 
houses, and those who hke join together ; so I made 
them take mine to the door of the house where 

* A property belonging to Count Metternich. 


Schwarzenberg lives, for it is better situated than mine ; 
we recommence our walking after breakfast till mid- 
day. I dine alternately at home and with Charles or 
Joseph Schwarzenberg. We take every day, at five 
o'clock, a walk of two or three miles. I go to the Salle 
at eight, or I have a whist-party at home ; and all Carls- 
bad is in bed at ten. This way of life would suit you 
very well. 

253. July 30. — Madame Catalani arrived here yes- 
terday, having been expected with much impatience. 
She will give a concert on the 1st. I shall therefore 
not leave till the morning of the 2nd, though I finish 
my course of waters to-morrow. Staudenheim. who 
never trifles, forbids me to drink them on the 1st, for 
he says they have made me well and that too much of 
them would be luxury. On the other hand, he wishes 
Madame Catalani to take them with great assiduity for 
thirty days, for she appears to him an excellent subject 
for Carlsbad. For the concert tlie day after to-morrow 
the orchestra will be composed in the following manner : 
— Leader of the orchestra : an old organist of the chapel, 
who has been trying to cure a liver complaint for three 
years and not succeeded ; clavichord : a Prince de Biron, 
who always lies, except when he says he plays this 
instrument well ; first violin : a Saxon Colonel ; second 
violin : a Prussian Captain ; violoncello : the Prussian 
General Count de Hacke. We are still in search of 
other instruments ; the trumpeters only are hired. They 
are the keepers of the great court, who announce the 
arrival of visitors with the sound of the trumpet. If 
this concert creates a furore, it will be fortunate ! 

At the first rehearsal of the concert, which took 
place at my house, Goethe arrived. I introduced him 
to Madame Catalani, saying he was a man of whom Ger- 


many was proud. Valabregue * asked me, ' Who is 
Goethe ? ' I told him that he was the author of 
' Werther.' The unhappy man did not forget this ; for 
lo and behold ! some days afterwards he went up to 
him and said : ' My dear Goethe, what a pity it is you 
could not see Potier in the part of " Werther! "' It would 
have made you burst with laughing.' 

254. Konigswart^ August 3. — I came here yesterday, 
and I shall remain until the 5th. Besides, Franzensbrunn 
is so near that I hope often to return here, in order that 
I may see that the most is made of the new establish- 
ment at Marienbad, which is a real godsend for this 
property. Within the last three years I have added 
more than four thousand toises (six feet) of roads. Now, 
one is able to go from Eger to where the road branches 
off from the Sandau and Altwasser road to the chateau 
on one of the finest roads possible, and I am going to 
have it planted with trees. The peasants, who formerly 
destroyed all the trees, are now beginning to preserve 
them. We must next make a road from Grossich- 
dichfur to Marienbad, and this road will be costly, on 
account of a steep hill in the Walderl which it must 
avoid. I shall finisli it, however, in less than a year. 
The Abbot of Tepl, who is coming to dine with me to- 
day, ought to contribute towards it. This Abbot is ter- 
ribly afraid of me ; I do not know how the absurd 
story has been spread through the country, that the 
Abbey is to be secularised, and that tlie Emperor wishes 
to make me a present of it. I contradict it in vain, the 
noble convent trembles none the less, and I can obtain 
from it all which is just and reasonable, in consequence 
of its dread that the Emperor may be unjust and myself 
unreasonable. The Konigswart property is at any rate 

* Catalani's hu8l)and. 


much improved by the neighbourhood of these new 

Metternich to his Mother, Fra?izensbad, August 13. 

255. It is with a broken heart, my dear mother, 
that I write to you in the most painful moment of my 
hfe and yours. A letter wliich I received to-day from 
my wife does not allow me to hope for my father's 
restoration to liealth. From all I hear I feel sure that 
he is dying the death which nature has reserved for 
advanced age — a gentle death, free from tlie suffering 
which accompanies acute disease. If I consulted only 
my own feelings, I should start immediately for Vienna, 
but everything is against my doing so. Staudenheim 
actuahy forbids me interrupting the cure which lias 
begun, and which promises the most satisfactory results. 
He declares that the waters here must not be interrupted 
in their course, and that by interrupting them I should 
undergo all the inconveniences he is anxious to avoid. 
And should I find my father, even if I set off imme- 
diately ? Everything is arranged for my journey and 
arrival on tlie Rhine before the end of the month. I 
shall find there all the men whom I ought to meet be- 
fore the meeting at Aix-la-Chapelle, and the delay which 
attends this meeting, far from being inconvenient, may 
be of incalculable advantage in its results. In conclu- 
sion, should I be performing a duty which would benefit 
my poor father ? Would not my sudden arrival do 
more harm than good ? This is the consideration which 
has most weight with me, but the sad event which we 
are now expecting could not have happened at a mo- 
ment more painful to me. If my father should live, and 
expresses a desire to see me, were it only for one moment, 
I would put aside all tliese considerations and come to 


you. A moment's happiness in this world would not 
encroach on the eternal joy which awaits him. 

You see, my good mother, it is for you to direct 
and decide Avhat I ou£jht to do. There are times in 
which it is scarcely possible oneself to know ]iow to act 
for the best. 

If the sad event takes place, apply to Bartenstein 
for everything. I have given him full directions. My 
brother lias written to me (for which I beg you to thank 
him) to assure me that he will do all he possibly can. 
I beheve I thought of everything in my last letter to 

I would strongly advise you to go and join my 
family at Baden. You will be better there than at 
Salzburg; you will avoid the trouble of along journey, 
and will feel at liome. 

... In conclusion, my dear mother, take care of 
yourself, and remember that, if you can do no more for 
him, you owe it to us to tliink of yourself. 

My poor father in leaving this world will at least 
have tlie consolation that I have never given him a 
moment of unhappiness, and this is the sweetest feeling 
of my life. He cannot refuse me his blessing, and I 
shall know how to deserve it. 

Adieu, my dear good mother. I embrace you, and 
implore you not so much to think of yourself as of all 
of us, 

256. Franzensbrunn, August 14. — I wrote yester- 
day, my dear mother, in all the anxiety of a painful 
uncertainty ; to-day, when I have received the news of 
the loss we have sustained, I can only repeat what I 
said to you yesterday. Although the blow was expected, 
it is not the less dreadful. The courier arrived yester- 
day just as I was going to bed. It consoles me for my 


absence to think that my poor father was unconscious. 
He died Avithoiit perceiving that he was treading tlie 
valley of the shadow of death, and he felt none of its 
horrors — a happy death, not reserved for everyone ! 

... I have ordered here everything necessary for 
depositing the remains of my father, as far as arranging 
a more suitable place of repose than the tomb which 
now exists in the parish of Konigswart. I intend to 
make a place of sepulture which will one day contain 
us all. Those who ought not to be separated in this 
world should not be isolated in their last resting-place. 
I have ordered obsequies in all the parishes, here as 
well as at Ochsenhausen and in Moravia. If my father 
needed prayers to assist him to his place in the other 
world, those of his own people will not be wanting.'"' . 

Adieu, ray dear mother. May God preserve you for 
many years, and give you in this heavy trial that 
streng^th of mind wliich should never abandon us, even 
in the most trying moments. I charge all my family, 
who are no less yours, with those duties which I should 
have desired to fulfil myself. 

Metternich to his Wife^ Konigswart^ August 26. 

257. I write to you, my dear Laura, a few hours 
before my departure. I am feeling very sad. Every- 
thing which separates us is painful to me, and I feel 
more and more every day the pain of being separated 
from my dear little family. I should like to have you 
always with me, or never to leave Vienna. Few Hves 
are so fatiguing as those which are spent in the higliest 
walks of life, and in the midst of important and intri- 
cate affairs. Formerly these affairs could be carried on 
quietly. How many difficulties there are in my career, 

* See on the same subject No. 283. — Ed. 


and how different are they from those of all former 
ministers, and perhaps even from those to come ! 

I shall be at Frankfurt on the 29th, and spend two 
busy days there. I shall have the entire Diet on my 
hands. I know already that most of the ministers 
there are trembling at my appearance ; of my forty- 
eight hours I shall take at least from twelve to fifteen 
to lecture the well-intentioned and to do justice to 
those who are not. My two days at Frankfurt will, 
however, be worth at least a hundred as far as business 
is concerned. 

On the 1st I shall go to see the Duke of Nassau, 
and from there go on to Johannisberg. The Duke has 
paid me many attentions, and deserves at least a visit 
from me in return. They write to me from Frankfurt 
that he has a hundred men at work making a road as 
far as the chdteau from the point where one leaves the 
main road. The monks of Fulda had taken care to 
leave this road impracticable, for fear of attracting too 
many visitors. My cellars being empty, I do not run 
the same risk, and I prefer some toises of a good road 
to many bottles of wine. He has, moreover, ordered 
his keepers to furnish me with game, and his gardeners 
with the fruits of his forests and gardens. As I shall 
probably only remain there a short time, I shall make 
no great ravages in cither the one or the other. 

I am also informed that, since the inhabitants on the 
banks of the Eliine have learnt that the Emperor is 
coming down the river, they have been making immense 
preparations along the whole route. It is no doubt the 
part of Europe where the Emperor is most loved, more 
even than in our own country. The whole scene will 
be admirable. The Emperor will have a real fleet. 
There is not one more yacht or boat to be hired on 


the river ; all are taken by the people Uving on the 
banks, and the whole population will be on the river 
side. I foresaw this, and I believe it will be a success. 
These demonstrations prove better than the Jena news- 
papers what is the opinion of the people. We shall 
have a splendid article for the ' Observer.' 

I wish you were all with me, my dear ones ! 



Extracts from Metternich's private Letters, from August 31 to 
September 24, 1818. 

258. Arrival in Frankfurt — illness, 259. Metternich's appearance at the 
Bundestage. 260. The result — Staudenheiin on the Prince of Hesse- 
Ilomburg. 261. First visit to Johanuisberg. 262. Description of Co- 
blentz. 263. Project for the erection of a national monument — the 
' VoUis-sagen ' — the ' Bromser von Riidesheim ' — made Duke of Portella. 
264. From Mayence — arrival of the Emperor Francis. 265. From Bingen 
— splendid scenes on the Rhine — feeling for the Emperor Francis — 
dinner to the Emperor at Johannisberg. 

Mett^rnichto his Wife, Frankfurt, August 31, 1818. 

258. I arrived here comfortably, my dear, the day 
before yesterday, in the evening, and ahghted as usual 
at Mulhens' house, where I am lodged as I should like to 
be all my life. One cannot understand how a little re- 
tired grocer has had the taste to build and furnish a 
house like this, nor how a man so avaricious could spend 
six hundred thousand florins to be well housed. 

Yesterday I spent the most agreeable morning in the 
world. From ten till four, I received all the Confede- 
ration, deputations from the magistrates, corps diplo- 
matique, &c. To increase the pleasure, I had caught on 
the way, from the intense cold and infernal damp, one 
of my nice colds in the head, and as the Diet in corpore 
is not made to heal anything, I was obliged to go to 
bed in the evening and try to get into a perspiration. 
Staudenheim, who never trifles, told me this morning that 
I had better remain in bed all day, and I, a gentle in- 
valid, submit. 


I shall stay here to-morrow and the day after, and 
go to Johannisberg on the 3rd. One has no idea of 
the difference of the climate of this country from our 
own. I was ready to die of cold in Bohemia, and here 
we have not had one single cool day. It has rained for 
eight days, and been warm all the time, which is very 
promising for the wine. I have had extravagant offers 
for the vineyards of Johannisberg, but I have refused 
them all. One was an offer of fifty thousand florins to 
be paid immediately, the wine to be sealed and laid down 
for six years at Johannisberg, then sold for our com- 
mon benefit — that is to say, that I should divide the pro- 
fits' besides the fifty thousand florins. But I do not 
wish to divide, and I hold, moreover, that it is better to 
establish the reputation of the cellar. 

259. September 4. — . . . . You can have no idea 
of the effect produced by my appearance at the Diet. 
An affair which perhaps would never have ended has 
been concluded in three or four days. I am more and 
more convinced that affairs of importance can only 
be properly conducted by oneself. Everything done 
second hand is vexatious and troublesome, and makes 
no progress. I have become a species of moral power 
in Germany, and perhaps even in Europe — a power 
which will leave a void when it disappears : and never- 
theless it will disappear, Hke all belonging to poor frail 
human nature. I hope Heaven will yet give me time 
to do some good ; that is my dearest wish. 

260. September 11. — At last, my dear, I am ready 
to, start. I shall sleep to-morrow at Johannisberg, and 
go on the following morning. I shall dine at Coblentz, 
and spend the 14th and 15th there, and on the 16th I 
shall return to Johannisberg and remain there till 
the 22nd. 


I derive real pleasure from these different journeys ; 
I go to revisit tlie scenes of my youth, and I expect to 
find them changed, as I am changed myself. The walls 
remain intact, but the men have nearly all disappeared. 
I am convinced that I shall not find five persons of my 
acquaintance at Coblentz ; I will give you all the details, 
and though they cannot interest you, they will my 
mother. I shall go and visit all the spots she knows, 
and where she passed the best years of her life. She 
was beautiful and beloved there, and what more is 
necessary to make a place pleasant and its remembrance 
dear ? Tliis is the good side of women. We men need 
more to make us carry away agreeable recollections 
of our sojourns. I count my recollections only by 
public affairs, negotiations, and treaties — happy if the 
latter do not ruin me altogether. 

My visit here has been crowned with great success. 
I arrived at Frankfurt like the Messiah to save sinners. 
The Diet wears a new aspect since I have taken a part 
in it, and everything which seemed so impossible is con- 
cluded. I do not believe that twelve days ever bore 
more fruit at an equally important period. All that 
the intriguers were aiming to take to Aix-la-Chapelle, to 
interrupt the progress of affairs, is no longer in their 
power. In a word, I have a conviction that I have 
served tlie cause better at this moment, which does not 
appear to offer immense advantages, than on twenty 
otlier more brilliant occasions. This Avill, however, be 
none the less useful. 

I shall see Johannisberg for the first time to-morrow, 
and it must be very beautiful, for all who have seen it 
rave about it. I have seen it in imagination twenty 
times : now I am going to see it in reality, and I hope I 
shall not be disappointed. I often think of my poor 


father : he would have taken a thousand times more 
pleasure in the place than I do ; and it would have been 
worth more, because he would have been the proprietor. 
Neither had he the happiness of seeing a good arrange- 
ment for the mediatises which will shortly appear. I 
promised it to liim during my stay at Frankfurt, 
and felt that I was fulfilling a duty towards ]iim in 
keeping my word, and I declare to you I have more 
satisfaction in that feeling than in the thing itself. 
What a happy time he would have passed in my place 
this morning ! Perhaps he envies me from the other 
world — if envy can be felt there — the hour I have had 
the misfortune to pass with an infernal M. de Schmitz, 
the man of business to the house of Linange, and 
all the mediatises whom he adored when here on earth. 
I do not know if at the age of seventy I shall like 
tiresome people and pedants : I certainly cannot stand 
them now. • 

I was present yesterday at a conference which Staud- 
enheim had with the hereditarv Prince of Hesse-Hom- 
burg. The latter consulted him about a malady which 
Staudenheim declares to be flying gout, but which with 
the Prince takes the appearance of everything — that is to 
say, it resembles insanity. I was sorry I had not a short- 
hand writer with me ; he would have furnished an ex- 
cellent chapter for a comic romance. The point on 
which the negotiation between the doctor and the 
sick man was broken off was that of the sick man's 
breakfast. The Prince did not wish to be deprived of 
half a yard of sausage with which he was accustomed 
to begin the labours of the day. Staudenheim got into 
a rage, the Prince began to swear, and they seemed to 
have the sausage by the two ends, and to be struggling 
who should wrench it from his adversary* Stauden.- 



heim ended by carrying ofl the sausage, and the cure is 
about to commence under the auspices of the Princess 
Ehzabeth of England. 

261. Johannisberg, September 12. — I have been 
here, my dear Laura, since five o'clock this evening. 
I arrived early enough to see from my balcony twenty 
leagues of the course of the Ehine, eis^ht or ten towns, 
a hundred villages, and vineyards which this year will 
yield twenty millions of wine, intersected by meadows 
and fields like gardens, beautiful oak woods, and an 
immense plain covered with trees which bend beneath 
the weight of delicious fruit. Thus much without. As 
for within, I find a large and good house, of which 
in time a fine chdteau may be made : but we are still 
far from having that. I have spent nearly ten thousand 
florins in the last two months to make it what may 
fairly be called passable. My friend Handel has chosen 
the paper-hangings and furniture. The papers he has 
put on the walls are inconceivable : above all it is in- 
conceivable where he could have found what he has 
chosen. The evil is, however, confined to three rooms ; 
the rest of the apartments are painted in one colour. 

First of all, I ran through the chdteau, the stables, 
and places for making the wine. I have not visited the 
cellars, because there is no wine in them, and because I 
am just recovering from rheumatic fever. I have made 
the acquaintance of Father Arndt, the famous manager 
of the place, and the best of employes for an estate of 
this kind. Picture to yourself an old abbe of about 
sixty, virtuous from position, and I believe by convic- 
tion, who has not even the first and commonest defect 
of old monks. This good man has such a horror of 
wine that he has not drunk one bottle since he has been 
at Johannisberg ; yet he is the best connoisseur of wine 


in tlie canton, but he judges of it by liis nose. It is 
sufficient for him to smell a bottle of wine to decide its 
quality, its growth, and its year ; he can even distin- 
tinguish mixtures, and has never been known to make 
a mistake. Heaven made him for this business, as he 
was not born a pointer. He reckons on forty-six casks 
this year, at least : when he adds this phrase, it is un- 
derstood in the country that forty-six means fifty-two. 

I am here with Floret, who only regrets that the 
year 1817 was so bad, and that he cannot find a small 
remnant from the preceding years ; Swoboda, who 
does not believe that beyond the frontiers of our 
beautiful kingdom there can be a tolerable country ; 
and M. de Handel, proud as Artabanus of the choice he 
has made of the furniture. He has particularly drawn 
my attention to a cupid, which unfortunately has all 
its Hmbs dislocated, and which is conspicuous above 
one of the doors from its excited attitude. He seems 
to have drunk all that Father Arndt has not drunk. 
Handel boasts, too, of his choice of a great round table, 
the top of which weighs a hundred pounds, and which 
rests on a crane's foot so small that Gentz will never 
enter the room in which it stands for fear of being 

I hope to start to-morrow at ten in the morning, so 
as to arrive at Coblentz at six in the evening. 

Metternich to his Mother, Coblentz, September 15. 

262. I must write to you, my dear mother, were 
it only that you may have a letter from your son, 
written at this place. 

I arrived here the day before yesterday, just as 
night was closing in. It would be difficult to imagine 
anything more beautiful than the road from Bingen. 

K 2 


I believe it is even preferable to the descent by the 
river. One rolls along an excellent road, which in 
another two years will leave nothing to be desired ; at 
present, the railings by its side are in many places only 
too necessary. 

The environs of Coblentz are greatly improved by 
the fine roads which meet there from every direction 
One is astonished to find oneself in the avenues in front 
of the chdteau without having been jolted at the foot of 
the Chartreuse and across the gardens where old Kintelius 
used to fancy he was practising gardening. The trees 
that we saw planted in front of the chdteau are very 
large ; it is like being in the midst of a forest. This is a 
sad sight for those who saw them when they were mere 
sticks. The chdteau itself has the look of a deserted 
house : doors, windows, all are broken. It is at present 
used as a military establishment. The King wishes to 
rebuild it, but its destination is not absolutely decided. 
The town itself is where we left it. The interior of 
this old town is improved — not that the houses are 
changed, but the streets are better paved, and the 
terrible signboards which obstructed the view have 
given place to boards like those in Paris. It is evident 
that the town has passed some years under French 
domination ; its influence is visible in many things — 
notably in the shops. Among other things, the foun- 
tains in the squares are well constructed. In front of 
the church of St. Castor there is a fountain with the 
following inscription : — ' Erigee par le prefet Van 1812, 
memorable par la campagne cle Russie ; ' and below, ' Vu 
et approuve par nous, Commandant russe a Coblentz, le 
V Janvier, 1814.' 

They are making fine strong fortifications on tlie 
three points which command the town — at Ehrenbreit- 


stein, on the mountain of St. Peter [das ehemalige Brun- 
nenstubchen), and behind the Chartreuse. The environs 
of Coblentz are certainly among the most remarkable 
on the Ehine. Our garden near the Moselle is now a 
field. I have been to see the house, the entrance to 
which is as it must have been always, but the riding- 
school, the coach-house, the old door, the walls be- 
tween the two courts — all have disappeared. There 
is a little wall, with two doors with pillars form- 
ing the entrance to the court, and a small public 
square has replaced the houses which obstructed the 
entrance. The house is in the most pitiable state, and 
very dirty ; there are no traces of what it once was. 
The Court of Appeal occupies the greater part, and 
the small house is inhabited by a general, who, I suppose, 
finds himself pinched for room. I went through the 
garden ; the English part is replaced by a score of 
large trees, planted without order where the old thickets 
were ; the hermitage has disappeared : the hillock on 
which it stood still marks the spot. The meadow 
remains ; the espalier is converted into great trees such 
as grow in the fields ; on the terrace the lime-trees are 
immense, and partly obscure the view. The frescoes 
alone have resisted the ravages of time ; the stable 
wall is covered with them, and they struck me as being 
exceedingly bad. 

Of our old acquaintances there only remain here the 
old Count d'Eltz (who is dying), and Count Eemus, who 
lives in the Burresheims' house for some months in 
every year. The two ladies, his aunts, are ahve, and 
intend to marry when they can find husbands. The 
rest of the gentry have disappeared, they and tl eir 
little fortunes. Faithful to the customs of the country, 
all these gentlemen have ruined themselves more than 


the Eevolution has ruined them. Count de Boos is 
the last to leave ; he is now at Sayn, where he is dying 
in consequence of a visit he made to Paris, where he 
destroyed his health and lost all his fortune at play. 
Kerpen's house displays the name of a linendraper's shop. 
Leyen's house, which is in very good condition, is 
occupied by the military governor. The castle of 
Kesselstadt is transformed into an iron manufactory. 
Bassenheim's house will, one of these days, fall on the 
head of a general who is hving in it. The Laacher- 
Hof bears beneath its ancient name an innkeeper's 
signboard. I lodge at the Hotel de Treves, which is 
one of the worst inns in Europe — the best is at Thai. 

There are no traces of the old chdteau below Ehren- 
breitstein : it is replaced by a battery of twenty-four 

This rough sketch will give you an idea of the 
town, which is, indeed, in its old place, but is not at all 
the old town itself. Since I have been here I have not 
met two people I know. It is quite sufficient to come 
here, as I have done, to see that five-and-twenty years 
will swallow up a whole generation. The streets are full 
of the children of the children of our time, and they 
look upon me as upon a being from another world. 

I spent yesterday morning in receiving the civil and 
military authorities and those of the town ; I took a 
walk with Chancellor Hardenberg — whom I found, to 
my great satisfaction, in the best of health — and I dined 
with the Governor. To-day I go to Engers ; dine with 
minister Ingersleben, do some business, and to-morrow 
return to Johannisberg. This is all I have to tell you ; 
nevertheless, I suppose, my dear mother, that you will 
read my letter with the interest one always feels in 
old memories. 


Metternich to his Wife, Johannisherg, September 18. 

263. I am here, not as if in the country, but as if 
at a Congress. Yesterday I had Chancellor Hardenberg, 
Count de Goltz and General Wolzogen, Count de Buol, 
Steigentesch, Wessenberg, Caraman, Maccalon, the 
Counts Munster, Eechberg, and Wintzingerode. I have 
with me Mercy, Spiegel, Langenau, and Gentz. The 
Chancellor left yesterday for Kreutznach ; Bethmann 
and half a dozen Frankfurtese arrive to-day. To lodge 
all these people I have hired two houses at the foot of 
the hill. 

What a view ! What a rich country ! What inde- 
scribable beauties for a man who does not know the 
Eheingau ! Everyone who arrives stands amazed on the 
balcony, and yet the view is nothing in comparison with 
that from the drawing-room, which forms the eastern 
corner of the clidteau. When the air is clear you can 
follow the course of the Eliine in a direct line for more 
than nine leagues ; when it is hazy, the river, wliich is 
immense, touches the horizon and looks like the sea. 
It is continually covered with two-masted vessels in full 
sail, and its banks are like those of a little stream, the 
grass reaching to the water's edge. I have just had 
plans made of the chateau and the neighbourhood. I 
have sent for an excellent arcliitect from Frankfurt to 
arrange the plan according to my directions ; it will be 
only necessary to make a very few changes to turn the 
chateau into a very comfortable habitation, able to accom- 
modate a numerous family and a dozen visitors. Near 
the clidteau is a place which is cultivated as an Enghsh 
garden, and which is suited for notliing else. In it, 
facing the Ehine, there is a hillock on which I intend 
to erect a monument, probably an obelisk, in remem- 


brance of the events of 1813 and 1814. I shall thus 
raise on the most classic ground of Germany, and at 
very little expense, a truly national monument. Free- 
stone costs nothincf, and a few blocks would make a 
beautiful thing, which above all should be simple. M. 
de Handel has been ordered to send you a work which 
contains a very good description of the course of the 
Rhine. I intend it for Marie, so that she may know what 
she will see one day. Have it sent to her, but read the 
chapters from Mayence to Coblentz, and especially the 
one at the end of the book, which is called Volks-sagen. 
You will read there the most charming histories, which 
will recur to you on taking this journey at every step. 
There is not one picturesque site which does not contain 
a ruin, and each ruin has its history ; each story is 
full of gallant and chivalrous sentiments ; the subjects 
might inspire tlie most beautiful pictures in the world 
to adorn a beautiful edition of this work. Eead 
particularly the history of the Emperor Frederick of 
Adolphseck and Bitter Bromser von Budesheim. This 
family is merged in ours ; we were its heirs ; the scene 
of the events belonged to us, and I was obliged to sell 
it to satisfy some usurers. The ruin, the most beau- 
tiful on the banks of the Ehine, has been bought by 
Count Ingelheim, who occupies himself in transform- 
ing it into a dwelling-house, and that in the best 
possible taste. He manages the exterior very well, 
and hollows out, in the walls, which are from twenty- 
five to thirty feet thick, commodious apartments in a 
most suitable style. This old chateau could only have 
been a Roman castle, and this is proved by tlie dis- 
covery lately made of a vault in which were a num- 
ber of funeral urns very well preserved, and beside 
each urn a sabre, a lance, the top of a lielmet, and 


many Eoman weapons. Not wishing to disturb any- 
thing, they cleared the entrance to the vault, and closed 
it with a glass door. 

... I have received a splendid decree from 
the King of Naples, giving me the title of Duke of 
Portella, the first place in the kingdom where the 
Imperial troops halted in the campaign of 1815. 
There is a compliment in the choice of the name, and 
it is a good remembrance to j^erpetuate in the family. 

264. Maijence, September 23. — I left Johannisberg 
with great regret yesterday and I took a tender leave of 
it. When you see it — and that will be a happy day for 
me — you will understand my regret. I found my quar- 
ters here prepared in the old house on the Bleiclie which 
my father occupied, and which I left in 1788 to go to 
Strasburg. That is thirty years ago ; I have grown 
old ; the house has renewed its youth without having 
improved ; it has lost the appearance of a mansion to 
take that of a middle-class house. -^ 

The Emperor arrived here at seven o'clock. You 
will see from what Hudelist tells you what he has done 
to-day. I spent the day in work, then in walking in 
the streets, dining with the Emperor, and paying visits 
to the Princess of Hesse-Homburg and the Princess of 
Denmark, who is very pretty. I passed three hours in 
the evening with the Emperor, who is glad to see me 
again, and then went to see the last scenes of ' Titus,' 
which was very tiresome this evening. There is no worse 
theatre than that of Mayence, unless it is that of Baden. 

We shall prolong our visit here until to-morrow, so 
as not to meet the King of Prussia at Coblentz. The 
Emperor will embark on the 25th, and dine at Johannis- 
berg ; we shall be a large and pleasant party, including 
nearly all the princes who are here. 


We shall sleep on the 25tli at Bingen, on the 26th 
at Coblentz, on the 27tli at Cologne, and on the 28th at 
Aix-la-Chapelle. The Emperor Alexander does not go 
to Italy. I need not tell you that delights me. 

265. Bingen^ September 24. — I arrived here in such 
good time, my dear, after a charming day, that I am 
able to take this opportunity of sending to Frankfurt, 
and write to you by the mihtary courier. 

You will read in the paper an article containing the 
details of our day, but neither papers nor letters can 
convey to you the truly ravishing scene we have en- 
joyed. I do not believe that the voyage of Cleopatra, 
that beautiful queen, with all her nymphs and adorers 
surrounding her, could have been more picturesque than 
ours. The skies were extremely favourable ; the most 
beautiful day, the best wind, the best people and the 
most amoureux : this is the only word which expresses 
the sentiment all feel here towards the Emperor ; hun- 
dreds df boats, thousands of cannon and petards firing, 
about twenty bands, besides the music of the Austrian 
regiment and garrison at Mayence ; a burning sun, a 
cool wind, and thousands of smiling faces ; all this on 
the Ehine and on its banks. These are the elements 
which composed the fete^ which nevertlieless was only a 
simple journey. 

The Emperor was struck with the view of Johannis- 
berg, and the Prince of Denmark declares that in Den- 
mark and even in Norway there is not a more charming 
situation under the softest sky. I gave him a very good 
dinner, and I found that I had enough Johannisberg of 
my own without having to borrow. I am, moreover, 
convinced that it never attained more celebrity than 
during the last fifteen days. But, I am far from de- 
sirous that it should preserve that character ; I should 

BINGEN. 139 

very much prefer to pass some weeks tliere with you 
and the children, with neither sovereigns nor ministers. 
The book I have placed there to receive the names of 
visitors looks to-day like a protocol of Congress. May 
God spare me from seeing it filled thus ! 

We shall leave to-morro*^ at eight in the morn- 
ing, and shall be at Mayence between one and two. 
The Emperor, who much likes to see attachment shown 
to him, is enchanted with the country. 

We have superb weather, and Father Arndt an- 
nounced to me to-day with an air truly Bacchic that he 
will answer for the year. I said my fiat with much 



Extracts from Metternich's private Letters, from October 1 to 
December 25, 1818. . 

20G. Arrival at Aix— waits at Cologne for the Emperor— triumphal voyage 
up thelihine — visit to the Cathedral — the Emperor Alexander — beginning 
of the Conferences. 267.. Dinner of the King of Prussia in honour of the 
Emperor's name-day — whist-party. 268. The Treaty of Evacuation 
signed with France — journey to Italy. 269. Amusements. 270. Death 
ofHudelist — excursion to Spa. 271. Lawrence at Aix. 272. Travelling 
plans. 270. Conclusion of the business. 274. With Wellington to 
Brussels— Princess Mary. 275. From Donauworth. 276. Eeturu to Vienna 

— the Emperor Alexander. 277. Parallel between Paris and London. 


Metternich to his Wife, Aix-la-Chapelle, 
October 1, 1818. 

266. Here I am at last, my dear, in this town, at 
the end of my journey, but far from the end of my 

I wrote to you last from Bingen. I coasted the 
Bhine as far as Coblentz, where the Emperor arrived 
by water some hours after me. We slept there, and I 
pursued my route next day as far as Cologne. I dined 
at Bonn, and walked about the town for about two 
hours. Nothing is so charming as the situation of 
Bonn ; the beautiful mountains which terminate the 
valley of the river seem to embellish the scene so as to 
make you leave it with still more regret. These moun- 
tains, known by the name of the Siebengebirge, have a 
magical effect. On one side are the ruins of Eoland- 
seck, and on the other, those of Drachenfels. In case 


they did not sejid you from Frankfurt the description 
of the Ehine by Schreiber, I enclose a copy now. You 
will find in the article ' Volks- a/je?i ' the history of these 
two castles. Further on begins the immense plain 
which loses itself in the Ocean and the North Sea — a 
luxuriant plain, covered with towns, villages, fertile 
fields and superb forests. 

I arrived at Cologne about seven o'clock. An im- 
mense crowd had assembled to meet the Emperor. My 
six horses and the carriages of my suite made them 
take me for him. In vain I stopped every five minutes 
to assure the people that I was unworthy of so much 
honour — it was no use ; on arriving at the gate they be- 
gan again in fine style. The bells, the shouts, the excite- 
ment of a population of sixty thousand souls who crowded 
against my carriage, drowned my voice as well as 
Gentz's, whom by chance I had met at Bonn and in- 
duced to come with me. It was as much as I could do 
to prevent them taking the horses out of the carriage. 
I was furious, and Gentz trembled in every limb. I 
only heard one sensible voice in the crowd : a man to 
whom I declared that it was I, myself, said to me : 
' WeU, we love our Emperor enough to shout twice, if 
you are not he.' 

I arrived at last at the house of the old patrician 
Geyger. Monsieur, Madame, and Mesdemoiselles, his 
daughters, whom I had never seen, took possession of me 
as I alighted from the carriage. I was covered with 
old and young kisses ; the whole household wept, 
shouted and swore. They wept with joy at embracing 
me — me the Austrian Minister ; they shouted Vive 
V Empereur ! and they swore at the fate which had over- 
thrown the ancient order of things. Surrounded by all 
the authorities of the place, I dragged the family into 


a room, and implored them to be reasonable. They re- 
plied by a spontaneous and positive assurance that they 
believed they were so, and they could and would not 
act otherwise. I began to see that my attempts were 
futile against such a determination, and delivered my- 
self up to their kisses with heroic abandonment. Ee- 
stored to liberty myself, I saw that Giroux * had been 
seized by the servants ; they seemed not to perceive 
that he had neglected his beard for a week. 

At last the Emperor arrived at his house, two doors 
from mine, and the crowd and the kisses moved twenty 
steps farther on. 

Certainly if anyone imagines that the happiness of 
having been French and being now Prussian has at 
Cologne and on the banks of the Ehine obliterated 
the remembrance of ten centuries, he is much deceived. 
The Press nevertheless groans under this lie ! 

The voyage on the Ehine has been one continual 
triumph for the Emperor, and has ended by becoming 
quite embarrassing to him. The whole thing recom- 
menced on his arrival at Aix-la-Chapolle. Everything 
breathes of the Empire in the natal city so beloved by 
Charlemagne. The people see in the Emperor only his 
successor ; they are silent when any of the other 
Sovereigns passes, and never cease shouting wherever 
the Emperor appears : Es lebe unser Kaiser ! 

The situation of Aix, of which I had only a con- 
fused remembrance of twenty-six years' length, is very 
picturesque. It is very undulated, and well cultivated. 
The weather is magnificent and tempts one to walk. 
We are very well lodged, and the measures which have 

* For many years a faithful valet of Count Metternich's. 


been taken to prevent a crowd of diplomatists from 
arriving leave us very much at liberty. 

After dinner this evening, we went with the Em- 
peror to visit the Cathedral. The King of Prussia came 
too, for he had not seen the relics, which date from the 
time of Charlemagne, and which are only shown to the 
public every seven years, or when a Cathohc crowned 
head comes to visit them. We were shown : — 

1. A small coat of Jesus Christ, which we call in 
Vienna ein Kinder-Rock erl. 

2. A dress of the Holy Virgin. 

3. The girdle which Jesus Christ wore on the cross. 

4. The linen in which Herodias carried the head of 
St. John the Baptist. 

One can hardly beheve that these objects are cor- 
rectly named, but it is none the less true that when they 
were given to the church by Charlemagne a thousand 
years ago, that prince would not have acquired them 
had they not shown proofs of the highest antiquity. 
Their preservation can only be accounted for by the ex- 
treme care that is taken of them. They also show the 
skull of this Emperor and many of his bones, which 
show how tall he was. A prie-Dieu had been placed 
on his tomb, and the Emperor knelt on it and prayed. 
The people, who had forced the doors to see the Em- 
peror, all fell on their knees instantly, and I thought 
the King seemed very uncomfortable, standing in the 
midst of his people. In his place, I would not have 

The Emperor Alexander arrived here the same 
day, in the evening. I spent three hours with him, 
and we were just on the same terms as in 1813. 

Our conferences began to-day under the most 
favourable auspices, and I have every reason to hope 


that in three, or at the most four, weeks we shall finish 
oiir labours. 

The results will be generally satisfactory. The Em- 
peror Alexander will go from here to Vienna. No more 
is said about his journey to Italy and I do not think he 
will stay more than a fortnight at Vienna ; consequently, 
by December 1 all will be restored to order. 

267. Odoher 5.— It is horribly cold to-day: it 
hails, and it freezes. The Emperor, who suffered much 
inconvenience yesterday, remained in bed ; to-day he 
feels better, and has risen. As for me, I had a bad cold 
yesterday, and I am very little better to-day. The re- 
sult of this happy coincidence was that neither the 
Emperor nor I were present yesterday at a dinner 
given by the King of Prussia in honour of St. Francis, 
nor at a grand ball given by the town. It is perhaps 
for the first time in my hfe that I felt really glad that 
my health prevented me from going out. I will wager 
that the whole town thinks that the Emperor and I have 
sacrificed theu' fete to some profound political calcula- 
tion. We must let them believe this, and, to keep up 
the delusion, I shall acquit myself perfectly to-day. 

Our business is progressing quite marvellously : this 
means that it will soon be finished. I have never seen 
a prettier little Congress ; this one will produce no bad 
blood in me, I promise you. You will excuse me from 
telhng you about our protocols, and they are what occupy 
us most. I make one of a party of whist every evening 
with the Prince de Hatzfeld, Zichy, Baring, Labouchere, 
Parish — that is to say, with men who do not find them- 
selves distressed, or even incommoded, by the loss of a 
good round thousand or so. We met at first at Lady 
Castlereagh's, but there is an inconceivable atmosphere 
of ennui connected with that house. By common con- 


sent we renounced the charms of my lady, and fixed 
upon my drawing-room, which is somewhat smaller than 
your little room hung with nankeen. 

268. October 10. — We signed yesterday with France 
the treaty of evacuation. We have lost no time, having 
in eleven days settled the diplomatic affairs, made a pay- 
ment of two hundred and sixty-five millionri, and arranged 
everything relating to the march of the troops. The 
effect which this has produced in France is already 
known, for we receive our letters from Paris in forty 
hours ; all goes w^ell and will continue to do so. 

Our affairs here will be concluded by the end of the 
month. I shall be at Vienna most probably on No- 
vember 15, or soon after. 

I informed you lately of our plans for the journey 
to Italy. The Emperor intends to leave Vienna between 
February 10 and 15. He will pass the last days of the 
Carnival at Venice ; the four first weeks of Lent at 
Naples ; the last two weeks and Easter week at Eome ; 
three weeks in Tuscany ; three in Lombardy ; this will 
bring him back to Vienna towards the middle of July. 

269. October 18. — Our affairs here are advancing 
rapidly. I will give them no margin beyond the 4tli or 
5th of November. 

As for amusements, there are none. We are over- 
whelmed with youthful talent: every day there are 
concerts of virtuosos aged four and nine years. The 
last arrival is a little boy of four j^ears and a half, who 
plays the double-bass. You can easily judge of the 
perfection of the execution. 

There are not even any remarkable shops, and the 
trash they offer costs just double what the best of its 
kind does in Paris and London. If the shopkeepers have 
speculated on our purses, they have reckoned without 



their host. I do not know anyone who buys more than 
what is strictly necessary. 

Our ladies here are Lady Castlereagh, three or four 
English more or less old — that is to say, they are 
between fifty and sixty (quite youthful for London) — 
the Princess de la Tour, Madame de Nesselrode, and 
three Eussian ladies. It is with the ladies as with the 
shopkeepers : there is a total want of admirers. 

270. October 27. — The courier bringing the sad 
news of the death of poor Hudelist arrived here this 
morning, and I need not tell you how much I regret 
him. He possessed the most essential qualities, and 
merits which I shall scarcely be able to replace. 
My labour Avill be doubled, and perhaps even trebled, 
for some time ; I have been so accustomed to depend 
upon him for all details, that I shall always regret what 
I can no longer have done by him, and certainly not so 
quickly by any other employe. 

I am writing to Madame Hudelist, and I beg you to 
send the letter to her yourself, telling her that I have 
chosen this way, because I am convinced that it will make 
its reception less painful to her. I hope the Emperor 
will do something for her, the more so as I am sure her 
husband left very little money. 

, . . The day before yesterday I went to Spa with 
M. and Madame de Nesselrode, the Count and Countess 
de Lieven, Steigentesch, Zichy, Lebzeltern, the Prince 
of Hesse, and Floret. We passed the night there ; and 
yesterday morning went through the environs of Spa ; 
dined there, and returned here at eight in the even- 
ing. The weather was superb, and our trip well ar- 
ranged. Spa is empty ; we were the only strangers 
there, therefore we excited much interest. The road 
from here to Spa is charming : nothing is so beautiful 


as the country about Limbourg, with its meadows and 
innumerable houses. 

271. November 3. — Our affairs here are in their de- 
chne. I do not beheve that they can go on beyond the 
loth of this month, the day fixed for their conclusion. 
If this is the case, I shall be at Vienna by the end of 
November or the beginning of December, and certainly 
I shall be glad enough to find myself there. 

Lawrence, the greatest painter in the world, is here 
by command of the Prince Eegent, to take portraits of 
the sovereigns and ministers. That of the Emperor is 
almost finished, and mine also. I suppose you will see 
these two, for Lawrence is going to Vienna to paint 
Prince Schwarzenberg. I do not believe that theie 
could be a better picture than that of the Emperor. 
My portrait, I believe, will be excellent. I shall try to 
get Lawrence to paint Clementine.* 

Our life goes on much as usual : we confer, we walk, 
we dine. I have my party in the evening, and I go to 
bed. All the strangers have left us ; there are none 

272. November 11. — I may now tell you, my dear, 
that we are very near the end. The last conference 
will take place — unless anything unforeseen occurs, 
which is not likely — on the 16th or 17th. The Emperor 
will leave the same day. He will be at Vienna on De- 
cember 2, after stopping five days at Munich. 

I expect to leave on the 18th for Brussels ; I shall 
remain there until the 23rd or 24th, and I shall be at 
Vienna on the 7th or 8th or 9th. 

I shall certainly not go to Paris. I could only stay 
there four or five days, which would be entirely taken 
up by Princes and ministers, and I see no good reason 

* Princess Clementine, the Prince's daughter. — Ed. 

L 2 


why I should wantonly expose myself to such drudgery, 
I shall therefore part from the children at Brussels. 

Marie is wonderfully well. She has had all the suc- 
cess possible here ; and as it does not amount to much 
altogether, I think I may boast of it. She has been to 
see the Emperor, who — to please her, I believe — put on 
a Chasseur's uniform. She spent yesterday evening in 
dancing polonaises with the Emperor Alexander and 
the King of Prussia, and at this moment she is at the 
theatre, to see a man named Wurm, an excellent comic 
actor from Berhn, with whom she is enchanted. 

You wdll read in all the newspapers, among other 
things, that I have had a frightful fall from a carriage, 
and that I remained unconscious during, I believe, five 
or six hours. The fact is that I have had no fall, and 
consequently have had neither accident nor fainting fit. 
About a fortnight ago in starting from the Emperor's 
house in one of the excellent Court equipages, the axle- 
tree broke, the carriage leaned on one side, my servant 
opened the door, I got out of the carriage, and went on 
foot to a soiree at Madame Catalani's. The coachman 
fell off, and has been made famous. All the English 
papers luive correspondents here : they must write 
something, and, having nothing to say about the pro- 
gress of affairs, they amuse themselves with killing the 

Our portraits by Lawrence are really chefs-d'ceiivre. 
Mine, which is almost finished, is one uf the best.* He 
will take it to Vienna, where I shall make him copy it, 
as I shall never be painted again. 

I am sure Marie will tell you her ideas about it. 
You will laugh when you see it. 

* The portrait of Prince Metternich engraved by Professor Uuger for 
this work is the one mentioned liere. — Ed. 


273. November 16. — Our business is concluded. 
The Emperor Alexander left this morning for Brussels. 
Our Emperor starts to-morrow for Vienna. I leave the 
day after to-morrow, early in the morning, for Brussels, 
Avhere important business awaits me. I shall be de- 
tained there four days, between that and the infernal 
etiquette which naturally accompanies it. 

I spend my days in work, and all I can tell you is 
that I am marvellously well, and not yet quite driven 
out of my mind. A courier leaves this evening for 
Vienna. I shall return here on the 22nd or the 23rd, 
and remain two or three days, because the Con- 
ference is in abeyance until my return. I shall be at 
Vienna from the 8tli to the 10th December, and the 
Emperor will be there on the 2nd. The Emperor 
Alexander will follow me closely ; he will arrive at 
Vienna on the 12th. 

274. November 2\. — I wished to leave to-morrow, 
but the impossibility of carrying out my intention Avas 
shown at the Conference this morninir. We do not 
know liow to avoid having one to-morrow morning, and 
probably another in the evening, which will be tlie 
last. I send on my carriages in advance to-morrow 
evening, and I shall leave with the Duke of Welling- 
ton. We shall be at Brussels in fourteen or fifteen 
days. You know my plans as far as Vienna. I do 
not foresee that they can undergo any important 

On November 23, Brussels ; the 24th, 25th, and 
26th, I stay there ; the 27th, Antwerp ; the 28th, Aix- 
la-Chapelle; the 29th, Cologne; tlie 30th, Coblentz. 

December 1 , Johannisberg ; the 2nd, Frankfurt ; 
the 3rd, 4th, and 5th, the journey to Munich ; the 6th 
and 7th, I stay there ; the 8th, Alt-(Ettingen ; the 9th, 


Wels ; the lOtli, Kemmelbach or Amstetteii ; the 11th, 

You see that I shall be only one day in advance of 
the Emperor Alexander, which is certainly not too 
much. His visit to Vienna not being on business, the 
mere fact of his presence will not trouble me, for we 
have become the most intimate friends. Marie, when 
she saw us the first time, was quite astonished — she had 
never seen us except on bad terms with each other. 
She danced several polonaises with him, and also with 
our Emperor, at the ball given by the town to the 
sovereigns on Sunday last. The Emperor was as 
charmed to see her as if he had known her all his life. 
' Sie ist eine der Meinigen^' said he to me twenty times ; 
' Die hahe ich lieher als alle die Anderen.' 

Our business is over, and our conference of to- 
morrow is nothing more than a winding up ; everything 
is well arranged, and I believe that we shall gain honour 
in Europe. I have never seen more perfect agreement 
between the Cabinets : our affairs — the rouiih as well as 
the smooth — ran as if they went of themselves. The 
result is what I foresaw and above all desired. 

I do not know what I would give now to liave got 
over the rest of the journey between this and Vienna. 
I shall take this journey with the feeling of a postillion 
who returns empty to his starting-point, and who twenty 
times curses the length of the road he still has to traverse 
before he can get to his bed. 

275. Donauworth, Deceynher 6. — . ... I found 
Prince Hardenberg at Aix-la-Chapelle, and worked 
with him all one day. I passed a night and a morning 
at Johannisberg, where I saw forty grand casks ar- 
ranged in the finest cellar in the world. The wine will 
be excellent, and twelve thousand ducats' worth might 


be sold to-morrow. It will be worth twenty thousand 
in five years. I shall have neither rest nor respite till 
you have seen this place, which is really a glorious pos- 
session. Nothing resembles it in beauty, and the house 
only requires a little care to become very beautiful. If 
one had only a cottage there, one would seem to possess 
the world. 

I shall stop at Munich on the 8th, and I shall be at 
Vienna on the 11th, in the evening, or, more probably, 
on the morning of the 12th. You will be forewarned 
of my arrival by one of my carriages, which I shall 
send on from the last place I sleep at, which will be 
either Wels or Enns. 

.... Good God ! everybody seems to be dead 
amongst us ! I learnt all these catastrophes in a way 
which would have been pleasant if it had been on any 
other subject. I saw Count d'Eltz at Coblentz. He 
had just returned from Brazil, and is there on business 
connected with the property of his father, who is dying 
a frightful death. . . . I oiTered my sympathy, and asked 
him for news from Vienna. I had not heard for more 
than a week, as my letters were waiting for me at 
Frankfurt. ' They have cut off Jean PalfTy's leg,' said 
he ; ' but his brother is still more to be pitied, for he 
lost one part of his body after another in his journey to 
Italy.' ' That is dreadful,' said I. ' Yes, two days 
before the death of Count de Wallis.' ' What ! is he 
dead ? ' ' Tlie Count de Kuefstein is buried.' ' What ! 
he also ! ' ' The sacrament has been administered to 
Marshal Colloredo ; and his brother, Marshal Wenzel, 
is dying.' I implored him to leave off, for he did not 
seem to have half finished. 


Metternich to his daughter Marie, Vienna, December 17. 

276. Here I am, my clear Marie, at home ; but 
you are not there, and I assure you that you are much 
wanted. We thmk much more of you than of our- 
selves. We follow all your steps, and I think I can 
guess most of them. 

On my arrival I found Mamma and the children in 
the best of health. Victor is as tall as a full-grown 
man. Clementine is improved. I do not think Leon- 
tine has grown much. Herminie is really as well as 
possible. Mamma has told you of the funny mistake I 
made when I arrived, in takincr Leontine for Herminie. 
I enquired about her leg, and she thought I was mad. 
She was sleeping in her new room, instead of her sister. 
I thought she had grown very much ; but never mind. 
Thoughts make a slip sometimes, hke the tongue, and 
one cannot extricate one's self. 

We are here, not amongst fetes, for the Emperor 
Alexander does not wish it, but in the sweet and 
quiet httle pleasures of the Court. The Emperor 
Alexander has at length made the acquaintance of his 
aunt.* He passes whole days in kissing her hand, and 
calling her ' my dear aunt.' The presentation took 
place before dinner by the Empress. At the very 
moment the Emperor kissed the hand of his dear aunt 
I thought of Herminie, and I agree with her that Aunt 
Pauhne is everybody's aunt. 

Good bye, my dear Marie. The journey to Italy is 
decided upon, but there is an alteration in it, which is 
in your favour. The Emperor will leave on February 
13, and in the beginning of March he will be at 
Florence instead of Naples — that is to say, he will 

• Duchess Pauline von Wurtemberg, sister to Prince Metternich. — Ed. 


begin by spending nearly three weeks of the month of 
March in Tuscany ; from there he will go to Eome for 
Holy Week, and after that, about April 17 or 18, to 

277. December 25. — I was sure that Paris would 
suit Pepi very well. He has taste, and is accessible to 
good impressions. Paris is the city for society, as Lon- 
don is for commerce. The one cannot be compared to 
the other, for they are perfectly different. Vienna is 
like other populous cities ; she may count more streets 
than some perhaps, but cannot boast of being greater. 
The human mind needs continual friction to enable it to 
rise above the common level. It is natural that an 
assembly of more than five hundred thousand individuals 
in one place, under a beautiful sky, in a fertile country, 
must offer facilities to a development, to an industrial 
and commercial activity, very different from that of 
other less populous centres. This is the secret of the 
perfection of Paris and London, which both resemble 
ancient Piome, ancient Heliopolis, and still more ancient 
Babylon. The same causes always produce the same 
effects, and the latter are only modified by the progress 
of knowledge, science, and art. Now, a very slight 
elevation of mind or refinement of taste leads people to 
prefer the very best to the tolerably good. Be sure 
that as often as this preference does not take place, it is 
from the lack of these qualities, or the result of the 
presumption inseparable from ignorance. This is not, 
however, at all connected with happiness. Happiness 
may depend on a single object or a single taste, and 
consequently on a single necessity ; it is sufficient for 
happiness to find some small corner in which this in- 
dividual taste may be satisfied. This explains why you 
are happy at LanschUtz, I in my garden, and Mamma in 


Herminie's room. Nevertheless, everybody is not equally 
exclusive or equally moderate in his tastes ; so, though 
you and I are happy at Lanschiitz and at Eennweg, we 
are equally happy on the Boulevards, at the Museum, 
and even in the Catacombs ; while Mamma is only happy 
in that one room at the Chancellerie. 



Twenty-one Reports from Prince Metternich to the Emperor 
Francis, with his Majesty's notes, from July 8 to November 17, 1818. 

278. Arrangements concerning Schloss-Hradscbin, 279. Death of tbe Queen 
of Sweden. 280. Ultra-E-oyalist conspiracy in France — approaching con- 
flict of the ministerial party with Monsieur. 281. The Emperor Alexander 
and the condition of the Russo-Polish Provinces — Field-Marshal Prince 
Schwarzeuberg. 282. Alexander's journey put oft: — Metternich's idea of 
a journey to Paris. 283. Death of Francis George von Metteruich. 284. 
Interview with Capo dlstria. 285. Aflectiou for Prince Schwarzenberg. 
286. Business in Rome. 287. Approaching reconciliation of the King 
with Monsieur. 288. Kindly feelings towards the Eiuperor Francis on 
the Rhine, 289. The Emperor Alexander's plan of the journey. 290. 
Proposed Chamberlain. 291. Favourable state of feeling in Frankfurt. 
292. Death of the Queen of England. 293. Preparations for the journey 
of the Emperor Francis. 294. The Elector of Ilesse-Cassel wishes for 
Royal dignity. 295. Military organisation of the German Bund. 296. The 
Emperor's portrait. 297. Pregnancy of the Archduchess Leopoldine. 
298. Delay of the journey. 

278. Carlsbad, July 8, 1818. — I hasten with much 
respect to mform your Majesty of my arrival here yes- 
terday. Carlsbad is very full of strangers, among whom 
are diplomatists from all coimtries, who are here, some 
only to confer with me, some to observe my meeting 
with Count Capo d'Istria, Avho is expected here on the 

As I passed through Prague yesterday, the chief 
burgomaster came and asked me whether a meeting of 
the monarchs would take place at Prague. I asserted 
the contrary. He tlien told me that a few days before, 


lie had received an official order to repair the second 
storey of Schloss-Hradschin at his own cost. I assured 
him there was some extraordinary mistake, and advised 
him to wait your Majesty's commands before he in- 
curred any expense. I therefore beseech your Majesty 
to make your commands known ; it is possible that 
some reparation was intended, but this did not appear 
in the instructions, and evidently some great mistake 
must have been made. In any case, I consider it my 
duty to inform your Majesty of an error of this kind, 
which must cause a great outlay, the object of which I 
cannot see. 

I consider Prince Schwarzenbersf is in much better 
health. He is in good spirits, and the cure is so far 

quite successful. 


Eeceived this Eeport, and I have already given the 
necessary orders for the case to be inquired into as to 
the repairs to be carried out at the Castle at Prague.* 


Baden, July 15, 1818. 

279. Carlsbad, July 9. — Letters from Copenhagen 
announce the sudden death of the widowed Queen of 
Sweden. She had been with the King in the evening, 
and died at five o'clock in the morning. 

The King, who was going to Norway, has put off his 
journey till after the funeral of the Queen. 

As a political event, this is of no importance. 

Eeceived this Eeport. 


Baden, July 14, 1818. 

• This note, as well as all those on the following letters, is written by 
the Emperor Francis himself. — Ed. 


280. Carlsbad, July 14. — May it please your Ma- 
jesty to observe enclosed, a very interesting letter from 
Lebzeltern, in London. The English Cabinet is most 
favourably disposed, and the opinions of Lebzeltern in 
every respect well founded. 

Your Majesty will also find enclosed a private letter 
from Marquis de Caraman, which contains information of 
a so-called Ultra-Eoyalist conspirac)'. I say so-called, 
because it does not appear to me to be of that nature. 
A few days will suffice to prove the truth of this. I 
believe myself that the whole thing is an intrigue of the 
Ultras on some party grounds. From Paris I have very 
little news of the matter. 

May it please your Majesty to notice that the French 
Ministry, or, more properly speaking. Count Eichelieu, 
hopes, since the late retreat, that my intervention be- 
tween the Ministerial party and Monsieur the King's 
brother may bring about some approximation. Mon- 
sieur himself has come to me with the same end in view. 
In a few days I shall be in a position to lay before 
your Majesty the steps I have taken in this important 
matter. No moment is more proper than the eve of a 
meeting of the monarch s to be crowned with a result 
of this kind, hitherto certainly unattainable. I intend 
to use these last hours, so full of tension, with all my 
might to guide both parties to straightforward and 
thoroughly confidential ways. It is a great satis- 
faction to me that equal confidence is placed in me by 
both parties. 

According to private letters received from Berlin to- 
day, the King will arrive with the Emperor Alexander 
towards the end of this month. A military encamp- 
ment which the city had intended to prepare for the 
diversion of the sovereigns has been countermanded, 


and the Emperor Alexander will employ the interval 
between his arrival in Prussia and the meeting in visit- 
ing his sister. Whether this will include a visit to Stutt- 
gart I know not, but I rather doubt it. 

In any case no good can come of the Emperor's 
moving about in this way before the interview takes 
place ; but I cannot confirm the truth of the intelligence 
I submit to you until the next official news from Berlin, 

which I am hourly expecting. 


This Report received and enclosures returned. 


Baden, July 21, 1818. 

281. Carlsbad^ July 22. — May it please your 
Majesty to receive a statement of Count Thurn's, by 
which your Majesty will see that the Emperor Alexander 
continues to treat the Prince of Hesse with the greatest 

The Emperor now begins to occupy himself with the 
condition of the peasantry in the Russo-Polish provinces. 
That there is plenty of good material is undeniable ; 
but, on the other hand, the Emperor runs some risk of 
kindlinfT a confla<T:ration in the interior of his kincrdom. 
The Russians are in general very well under control ; 
what would be the result of further progress is very 
difficult to determine. 

Count Capo d'lstria comes here about the 26th or 27th 
of this month, to await his master's arrival from St. 
Petersburg, which will not be before the 15th of next 

In the meantime I am looked upon by the chief 
people here as bearing an accredited mission from your 
Majesty, and to me there is no difference between 


Vienna and Carlsbad, except the change of place. I 
endeavour to get as much time for distraction as pos- 
sible, and can heartily praise the waters here. On the 
31st of this month I leave Carlsbad, and as there will 
be three or four days' interval t)etween the two courses 
of the water-cure, I shall give myself till about August 
4. On the 5th I shall begin the waters at Franzens- 
brunn. The difference in the condition of Field-Marshal 
Prince Schwarzenberg is most astonishing. His internal 
complaint gets better every day ; the Carlsbad waters 
do not, however, act directly on his other complaints, 
and he is, therefore, ordered to try some baths, from 
which his physician hopes the best possible result. His 
weakness has already been so far conquered that he can 
walk for some hours. MErrEKXiCH. 

.Eeceived this Report, and I hope that the waters and 
baths may have the same happy results for you as for 
Prince Schwarzenberg. 



282. May it please your Majesty. The news that 
the Emperor Alexander will arrive on September 
27 instead of the 15th, and that the opening of the 
Conference must be delayed for fourteen days, will create 
a very bad impression in France. Matters are not really 
altered, but the delay and uncertainty are trying, and 
must be equally unpleasant to the Government and the 

This gain or loss of time leads me to consider whether 
I could not make good use of those twelve free days by 
going from the Ehine to Paris. 

The following considerations are in favour of this : 

1. I should see for myself clearly what at a distance 
is often obscure. 


2. It would give me an entirely different position at 
the Conference at Aix among the other Cabinet minis- 
ters, who have not, like me, been on the spot. 

3. If there is any chance of Monsieur's agreement 
with the Government, to' bring about which I am urged 
by both parties, I would not willingly lose any oppor- 
tunity of helping forward so desirable an object. The 
situation requires great management. I have sent the 
Marquis de Caraman from Carlsbad to Paris with a 
mission on this subject, and have sent back with him 
an individual whom Monsieur sent to me about eight 
days ago. In the success of this affair lies a considerable 
guarantee for the future, while from the continuance 
of this unhappy disunion there is every chance of the 
most distressing consequences. The moment before the 
interview of the monarchs is urgent, and requires urgent 
means to be used to act on both j^arties. 

4. I should, lastly, find a very strong inducement for 
the journey to Paris in the fact of Lord Castlereagh's 
journey through that city, which seems possible. 

If your Majesty is pleased to entertain these 
opinions, I will proceed to Paris, and act according to 
circumstances under your Majesty's full authority. 
These circumstances being every day liable to change, I 
must make the best use I can of them at the time. 

I therefore beseech your Majesty to keep this mis- 
sion a deep secret. If I am to carry out the aflair I 
BLUst receive a command, tlie day when the meeting of 
the monarchs is put off, to make use of the delay to as- 
certain the state of things on the spot. If I do not take 
this journey, the public must know nothing of the 

In any case I shall go up the Rhine at the end of 
this month, and the Chancellor Prince Hardenberg, 


Count Milnster in the name of the EngUsh Cabinet, and 
several others, intend either to meet me. or to come to 
me at Johannisberg, so that we may talk over the 
affairs of the Conference. 

Should your Majesty be pleased to entertain my idea 
of a sudden journey to Paris, I should in any case not 
go before September 7, and return on the 23rd to your 
Majesty at Mayence. 

I humbly beseech your Majesty to give your gra- 
cious commands as soon as possible concerning this 
secret commission. 


Franzensbrunn, August 7, 1818. 

I allow you to go to Paris, if you find it will be use- 
ful, and I shall expect you in any case on September 
23, at Mayence. 


Baden, August 11, 1818. 

283. May it please your Majesty. The sad event 
which has befallen me and my house makes it my duty 
to express to your Majesty my deepest gratitude for the 
favour your Majesty has continually vouchsafed to my 
lamented father during his long career. In his earliest 
youth he was attracted to the service of your Majesty 
by the example of his ancestors, and still more by his 
own feeling. His only wish and all his efforts had but 
one end — the honour and advantage of the Imperial 
House and of the State. Your Majesty has lost a ser- 
vant, weakened, it is true, by age, but still a faitliful 
and attached servant. His constant desire was to see 
me fulhl the duties which his age and circumstances no 
longer permitted him to undertake, and his greatest 
consolation was the feeling of the success of my exertions 
during the troubles of a most anxious time. When he 
VOL. in. M 


was asked by my family, a few days before liis end, 
whether he did not wish to see me in Vienna, he said, 
* My son is doing his duty. I can give him my blessing 
as well at a distance, and to day belongs to him and 
his business.' 

These words console me for not having seen him, 
and having been unable to fulfil the duties of a son. 

I now implore your Majesty's favour for the house 

of which I am now the head. For myself, your Majesty 

has so long treated me as a father that gratitude alone 

is becoming in me. If the subversion of things of late 

years has placed my family merely in the relation of 

all other vassals and subjects of the Imperial House, 

my only wish is that my successors may do from a 

feeling of duty what they would in all probability have 

done of their own free will. 


Franzensbad, August 19, 1818. 

I feel deep sympathy for the loss of your father, and 
count as surely on your attachment to my person as 
that you will influence your family and successors to 
follow in your footsteps, and become able and faithful 
servants, like yourself. 


Vienna, August 19, 1818. 

284. Franzensbrunn, August 18. — May it please 
your Majesty. I went yesterday to Carlsbad, to have 
some conversation with Count Cajio d'Istria, who had 
been there for some days. 

The result of this conversation was, in my opinion, 
important and satisfactory. I can indicate the principal 
points in it to your Majesty, who always desires to be 
informed of the course of great pohtical affairs. 


These are as follows : — 

1. The Emperor of Eussia, though hesitating be- 
tween many conflicting moral motives, does not abandon 
the fundamental principle of the maintenance of peace. 
To this he is impelled both by his distance from all that 
is influenced by the playing with soldiers, and by his 
religious principles ever growing more vigorous. 

2. The Emperor and his Cabinet give themselves up 
more and more every day to moral and political prose- 
13'^tising. Hence the many intrigues, great and small, 
so irritatin<T to us and most other Governments, and 
hence the deluge of emissaries and apostles. 

In this active movement the intention is, however, 
not to be mistaken (it lies, obscurely or plainly, in the 
Emperor's mind) — of trusting to time and the course of 
things to favour the extension of Russian influence. 
But an influence of this kind does not even grow to be 
a power. 

3. Count Capo dTstria is extremely against the form 
of the next meeting. 

First, he does not wish the monarchs to appear per- 
sonally at the same, and he regrets that his master should 
be the special and almost only cause of this. With this 
opinion I quite agreed. 

Secondly, he desired either no meeting of the 
monarchs and the Cabinets, or that it should be uni- 

His reasons are as follows : — 

He beheves that so great a measure will only excite 
the jealousy of the Powers not admitted, strain the 
public mind excessively, and injure both monarchs and 
Cabinets by the want of results. 

Here I diflered entirely from him. My reasons are 
the following, and I explained them to the Count so far 

M 2 


as possible, considering the difference between the plans 
and actions of our two Governments. 

The five Courts which are assembled at Aix are not 
only invited there, but by the treaty of November 20, 
1815, they are bound to come. All the European 
Courts have by their consent acknowledged and con- 
firmed this treaty and all its stipulations. 

The fulfilling of a right, and still more of a duty, 
cannot excite the jealousy of those who are beyond that 
right and duty. No Government fears the question which 
is referred to Aix being decided by the five Courts, for 
they are summoned for that purpose ; but all Govern- 
ments fear lest the four or five Courts should venture 
to bring forward more than that one business. Therefore, 
the four Courts must carry out this one business only at 
Aix, and therefore have we insisted that the four Courts 
long before the meeting should solemnly make this en- 
gagement. Our care must now be that it is maintained 
and fulfilled. 

The feeling of the revolutionists only is excited, not 
at all that of well-disposed persons. Since this is un- 
deniably and certainly the case, the beneficial result of 
the interview will be that nothing will be altered in the 
existing order of things. This result will be for your 
Majesty and the Cabinet — which since 1815 has taken 
a decided course — the highest triumph. 

But for the Court which pays homage to the so- 
called spirit of the times on every occasion, and revives 
by its expressions the hopes of innovators and sectaries 
of every kind — for this Court the result will be, at so 
important an epoch as that of Aix-la-Chapelle, in the 
highest degree injurious even in the eyes of these inno- 
vators themselves. 

In these short sentences lies the important dif- 


ference between the Austrian and the Eussian calcula- 
tions. Ours have, up to this time, been triumphant, 
and I doubt not that this will be again the case at 
Aix. That the Eussian Minister does not hke the 
coming conference in the shape it has already taken 
is quite natural. That we, on the contrary, are 
aorreeable to the said form is no less so. Much here 
depended on the first word, and we spoke it at the 
right moment, and thereby avoided a number of diffi- 
culties in a sense totally different from Count Capo 
dTstria's fears. 

I have, moreover, already gained so much ground 
in the English and Prussian Cabinets that in the con- 
ferences I foresee no possible digression from the course 

285. Franzensbrunn, August 20. May it please 
your Majesty. As I am aware of your Majesty's 
gracious feehng for Field-Marshal Prince von Schwarzen- 
berg, I consider it a duty respectfully to inform 
your Majesty of an opportunity of doing him a great 
kindness with very httle trouble. His eldest son, 
Friedrich, has been for more than a j^ear a cadet in his 
father's regiment of uhlans. By strenuous efforts he 
has distino-uished himself to the satisfaction of his father, 
and it is his wish that he should be promoted to be 
sub-lieutenant. If your Majesty would deign to do 
this as of your Majesty's own thought j so great a mark 

* Ou the document of which this is a copy is written a note in the 
Chancellor's handwriting, but of a much later date : ' This Report is important 
because it shows the grounds of the difference in the views and course of the 
two Imperial Cabinets. Count Capo d'Istria was the representative of a 
trifling political school ; personally he had in his eye only the Hellenic 
cause, which was in the year 1818 in preparation. The alliance system be- 
tween the great Powers was detested by him for this reason, and for its 
opposition to the Liberalism which found a zealous representative in the 
minister who was more Greek than Russian.' — Ed. 


of favour to the Field-Marshal would excite his deepest 

If your Majesty vouchsafe to grant this request 
— which I make witliout his knowledge — I suggest 
most respectfully that your Majesty should write to 
this effect to the Field-Marshal, and that as soon as 
possible, since otherwise he may come forward with a 
dii'ect request. 

I am the more inclined to take the present step, as 
the King of Prussia has, since the arrival of Field- 
Marshal BlUcher at Carlsbad, sent an adjutant to him 
almost weekly to enquire after his health, which is 

much declining. T.;r 

° Metternich. 

I will immediately act upon your suggestion. 


Baden, August 25, 1818. 

286. Franzensbrunn, August 20. — Enclosed in this 
your Majesty will deign to receive a Report from Prince 
Kaunitz, which shows how the cause is progressing in 
Rome.* If the Roman Court follows the course hinted 
at, it is hardly possible to foresee what complications 
it may bring about in Germany. It is our duty to 
make this clear, and to give our support at once to the 
reasonable party among the Cardinals. 

Your Majesty has deigned to approve my last 
instructions to the ambassador. Prince Kaunitz. I wiU 
immediately write to him urgently in the same sense. 

• This Report, of July 10, expresses the fear that in Rome a party of 
Zelonti among the Cardinals were striving against the conciliatory attitude 
of Consalvi, and urging the Pope to vigorous measures against the Courts of 
Bavaria and Baden — the former, because it stultified by new laws the Con- 
cordat just concluded ; the latter, because it took under its protection the 
Vicar-Capitular Wessenberg, at Constance, who was threatened with an 
interdict. — Ed. 


I respectfully beg your Majesty to have the present 
Eeport, with its enclosures, handed to Councillor von 
Hudehst. Metternich. 

Noticed, and the Report given to Von Hudelist. 
Our endeavour must be to act in such a way that 
the Catholic religion may not be needlessly injured by 
hasty measures or an excess of zeal. Francis 

Baden, August 26, 1818. 

287. Konigswart, August 26. — Your Majesty will 
be pleased to receive, in two enclosures, the instructions 
I have issued on the 23rd instant to Freiherr von 
Vincent, in the extremely important affair of the recon- 
cihation of Monsieur with his brother the King of 

Your Majesty will deign to remember that in the 
spring your ambassador was instructed by Monsieur to 
express his wish for a possible reconciliation. Baron 
Vincent at once informed the Duke of Wellington of 
the circumstance, and of his conversation with the 
Prince ; he also informed the Duke of Richelieu of the 

I at once answered Freiherr von Vincent, begging 
him to make known to the King's brother the readiness 
of your Majesty to co-operate in the good work of 
reconciliation, but expressing my personal conviction 
that, first of all. Monsieur himself should make all 
possible efforts to attain this end. 

I took this course — 

1. Because, from the steps taken by His Royal 
Highness in consequence of my reply, his own stand- 
point will be made clear. 

2. Because I wished to ascertain whether Monsieur 


had taken the resolution from motives of his own, or 
whether he had been impelled to do so by the Ultra- 
Eoyalist party, or one of its numerous subdivisions. 

3. Because your Majesty's intervention in a domestic 
matter can only safely be permitted if the intervention 
of a third person is desired by both the parties at 

My expectations in this respect were fulfilled : 
several attempts at reconcihation were begun, partly 
by Monsieur, partly by the ministers. They were all 
without any result. 

Nearly at the same time, in the course of June, steps 
were taken on the part of the Ultras and the Duke of 
Eichelieu, to invite me to take part in the business. I 
informed the Duke that I should certainly be empowered 
to act in this matter by your Majesty, but that the 
moment did not seem to have arrived when the inter- 
vention would be really successful, and then I must 
have to do, not with one or other of the Ultra-Eoyalist 
parties, but with Monsieur himself. 

I had this information also conveyed to Monsieur. 

Upon this. Monsieur actually sent to me at Carlsbad 
a confidential person, who had no direct contact with 
the party, and negotiated as the immediate organ of the 
Prince himself. This individual was sent back to Paris 
to inform Monsieur — 

1. That the matter was now placed on a proper 

2. That Freiherr von Vincent would be commis- 
sioned to act personally as mediator. 

I informed the Duke of Eichelieu of the state of 
things through the Marquis of Caraman, whom I sent 
to Paris, showing him also that, in order to gain time, 
I would push on the negotiation as near as possible to 


the interview at Aix-la-Cliapelle, feeling convinced that 
success could only be secured by the greatest despatch. 
Monsieur is weak ; he must himself make the ap- 
proaches to reconciliation, and if time is given for him 
to confer with the party all will be lost. 

The Duke of Eicheheu agreed with my views. 

When all these thino^s were discussed I sent the 
above-mentioned instructions to Freiherr von Vincent, 
the purport of which will itself explain to your Ma- 
jesty the standpoint in the business which I must think 
to be the best. 

Despatch No. 1 is to be shown to both parties. 

Despatch No. 2 contains the instructions for Vincent 

Not till we reach the Eliine shall I be able to tell 
your Majesty the result of the steps your Majesty's 
ambassadors have taken. 

I received yesterday, just as I was starting for 
Franzensbrunn, a letter from the Duke of Eicheheu, in 
which he urgently entreated me to come to Paris, to 
conduct the business in person. I shall not come to a 
decision till I know the result of the first steps. These, 
at any rate, must be taken by some other person : if I 
find they go well I will take the journey; if not, I will 
make my excursi(1n to Paris depend on the circumstance 
of Lord Castlereagh's presence in Paris. If he does not 
choose that road, and there is no certain prospect of 
the success of the mediation, I shall not take the 

I flatter myself that your Majesty will vouchsafe to 
approve of the conduct of the business so far. I con- 
sider it the most important affair of the moment, but I 
am far from being confident of success. The parties 
stand so aloof from each other that very great impar- 


tiality will be necessary on both sides in order to bring 
about an approximation. Although the success of the 
affair does not depend on the mediator alone, it is none 
the less honourable for your Majesty and your Majesty's 
Cabinet to be chosen by both sides to carry out so 
excellent an object, and nothing, perhaps, shows so well 
the position of your Majesty in the political affairs of 
Europe a^ this very thing. Metternich. 

Acted upon, and the enclosures returned. Only one 
thought strikes me — namely, whether Monsieur, if he is 
weak and thoughtless, may not perhaps bring about 
some mischance or mistake from his knowledge of our 
views with regard to Eussia and the conduct of the Em- 
peror Alexander. 


Baden, August 30, 1818. 

288. Konigswart, August 26. — Your Majesty will 
please to receive in the enclosed Eeport from Herr von 
Handel information as to the reception your Majesty 
may expect on the Rhine. 

I know the feeling of the people in those districts, 
and have advised your Majesty's journey up that river 
because I w^as convinced that it would have the charac- 
ter of a triumphal procession. 

Besides, the party of the disaffected will receive a 
serious blow from the demonstrations made by the 
Bhinelanders. The open and spontaneous expression 
of a hundred thousand people is better and more con- 
vincing than all the declamations of Jena Professors and 

The great difference will also be seen between the 
journey of your Majesty and those of the Emperor 


Alexander and the King of Prussia, and this will cer- 
tainly be for the advantage of Germany. 

Noticed with pleasure. 


Baden, August 30, 1818. 

289. Fraiikfurt, August 80. — May it please your 
Majesty. At the moment of my arrival here I received 
the enclosed letter from the Prince of Hesse, which a 
courier brought me from Berlin. 

I think it would be well for your Majesty to send the 
necessary orders to Prague, in order to show every possi- 
ble attention to the Dowager Empress.* Everything had 
been arranged for her reception at Schloss-Hradschin ; 
the cooks she will of course bring with her. That your 
Majesty should send part of the household depends en- 
tirely upon your Majesty's wishes. Four gentlemen in 
attendance seem to me necessary, and an individual who 
can act as Master of the Household. For this purpose 
one of the Princes of Prague — perhaps Prince Lob- 
kowitz — would be suitable. 

, Your Majesty will find in your impending journey a 
reason for not visiting the Empress in person. In any 
case I have the honour to enclose the draft of a letter 
which, when your Majesty has received the news of her 
arrival, can be sent to Prague. 

The inferences wliicli might be drawn from the 
Prince of Hesse's letter are entirely contradicted by 
what Count Capo d'Istria told me, that the Emperor 
Alexander had unfortunately not given up the plan of 
travelling — at least in Upper Italy — till the end of the 
meeting at Aix. 

Which of them is here mistaken. Count Capo d'Istria 

• Empress of Russia. — Ed. 


or tlie Prince of Hesse, seems to me only too certain. 
I have, however, in any case written to the former 
fixing the arrangements in Carlsbad, so that his answer 
to me may reach your Majesty with the desired in- 
formation without delay. 

What the Emperor Alexander intends to do in 
Switzerland in November, and why he chooses to make 
the passage of the Simplon at this time, is, indeed, by no 
reasoning to be discovered. 

The Emperor's resolution will, however, no doubt 
decide your Majesty to go to Milan, but no preparations 
can be made until the truth is known with regard to the 
travelhng plans of the Emperor Alexander. 


290. Frankfurt, August 31. — Your Majesty has re- 
quested me through the Lord High Chamberlain to 
propose certain gentlemen to attend your Majesty to 
Aix, besides the two in permanent attendance. 

In my oj)inion, these should be chosen from reliable 
young men of good address, who may be of service for 
any mission that is required. 

I propose therefore : — 

1. Count Ladislaus Wrbna. 

2. Count Bellegarde. 

3. Count Felix Woyna. 

Count Wrbna wishes very much that his nephew, 
Major Pozzo, might be chosen for this honour ; I find 
nothing to ol)ject to in his person, but, in the present 
case, very much against his name. Since he is a lord- 
in-waiting (which he ought not to be, for the Pozzo 
family was never one of the Corsican nobility), he would 
be suitable, like any other lord-in-waiting, for attendance 


on your Majesty ; but just at this meeting at Aix, a kind 
of attention might be anticipated which would be in no 
way beneficial. 

If your Majesty wishes for four instead of three 
lords-in-waiting, Count Schonfeld or any other good- 
looking young man might be chosen, 

I much rei^ret that not one Italian seems to be at the 

disposal of your Majesty. 


Noticed ; and, as Count Felix Woyna is with his regi- 
ment in Hungary, I have chosen Counts Wrbna, Belle- 
garde, and Schonfeld to accompany me to Aix-la- 



Baden, Septern'ber 0, I8I8. 

291. Franl'furt, Septemher 4. — May it please your 
Majesty. My residence in this place, which was not at all 
intentional, but arose from a shght attack of rheumatic 
fever (the consequence of exposure to some extremely 
bad weather during my journey from Bohemia), has, 
however, had the most happy results. Since my ap- 
pearance in Frankfurt a thorough moral revolution has 
taken place ; the diflerent parties had, as w^as ex- 
pected, made some attempts at reconciliation, and what 
has never happened before has been accomplished 
under my immediate direction. 

I can now answer for it that the Eeport of the Bun- 
destag on the military organisation of the Bund will be 
returned by the assembly in the course of this month. 
This Eeport is the very work itself, for it is the result of 
the unanimous deliberation of the first and most in- 
fluential Courts with the co-operation of the military 
representatives of the whole of the German Govern- 


ments. As soon as the Eeport is returned the assembly 
will adjourn for two months and take holidays. This 
time coincides with that of the conferences at Aix. In 
this way, all political difficulty is obviated, and by the 
conclusion of the business all Eussian interference will 
be prevented. 

During the journey your Majesty will see some of 
the German Princes. At the right moment I will send 
your Majesty a short sketch of the sentiments which it 
is much to be wished should emanate from your Ma- 
jesty. Every word spoken by your Majesty at this time 
will produce the greatest effect. One must be in the 
midst of Germany to understand on what a moral height 
your Majesty's Court now stands. In this respect so 
much ground is gained that it can only be lessened by 
its own fault. 

I shall be at Johannisberg by the 7th inst., and on 
the 13th I shall go to Chancellor Hardenberg, with whom 
I shall go Coblentz on the 14th and 15th. On the 
16th I shall return to the Eheingau, where Count 
Mlinster and several other diplomatists will be waiting 
for me. On the 22nd I shall pay my respects to your 
Majesty at Mayence. 


Noticed ; and I shall expect the sketch of what you 
wish me to-say in Germany. 


Baden, September 9, 1818. 

292. Please your Majesty. From the news which 
arrived yesterday by the Princess of Hesse-Homburg, of 
the health of her mother, the Queen of England, it seems 
that she is already given up by the physicians. They 
do not think that she can live more than a week longer. 


The death of the Queen will hasten the meeting of 
Parliament within six weeks' time, in order that new 
measures may be taken for the care of the King. Lord 
Castlereagh, who had foreseen this, has already pre- 
pared the necessary measures, so as not to interrupt his 

stay in Aix. 




Persenbeug, September 17, 1818. 

293. Schloss-Joliannisherg^ September 18. — May it 
please your Majesty. There is a mistake in the ar- 
rangements made out for your Majesty's journey which 
I can alter from this place without any delay. They 
have stationed your Majesty's horses at Darmstadt : in 
the list the station of Langfeld is mentioned, which has 
lonfj a<?o ceased to exist. The station is now removed 
to Dieburg ; the road from Darmstadt to Mayence by 
Groszherau is disused and, in every sense of the word, 
impracticable, because bridges and roads have been 
built in a quite different direction. At Kostheim, your 
Majesty and the whole suite must from this old road 
cross the ferry over the Main, which would take more 
than half a day. There is certainly some error here, 
which has probably arisen from the use of an old post- 
book by the person who prepared the list. 

The Elector of Hesse, too, is already in Hanau, or 
rather at Wilhelmsbad, close by, in consequence of the 
hope which was held out to him that your Majesty 
would alight there. At Frankfurt, your Majesty is ex- 
pected by the whole population with indescribable joy. 
According to the list made out, your Majesty would 
avoid Hanau and Frankfurt and stop at Darmstadt, 


whose Court has taken such a miserable course in 
German affairs, and in no way deserves this distinction. 

I have told Herr von Handel how the road now 
runs de facto ^ and that he must follow it, and station 
the horses on it, de facto. 

Since your Majesty thinks the first day from Mayence 
too short, I will make preparations for your Majesty to 
stay the night at St, Goar. This is a good day's journey 
on the Ehine — that is, if your Majesty does not desire to 
travel after dark, which presents more difficulty, espe- 
cially on the river. Your Majesty's retinue will travel 
by land along the banks of the Ehine, where there is a 
new high road. If the weather should be bad, your 
Majesty may choose this mode of travelling instead 
of going on the river. 

As your Majesty will see by the enclosure, the Em- 
peror Alexander will not come to Aix till the 28th. 
The King of Prussia hopes that your Majesty will not 
arrive till that day, in order to give him the advantage 
of himself receiving your Majesty. It will thus be pos- 
sible for your Majesty to pass a day at Coblentz, where 
the new fortifications are well worthy of your Majesty's 
attention ; I should the more wish that your Majesty 
should inspect these works with Duka (Ordnance- 
Master) as they are made on a new principle which 
with the greatest security unites a saving of expense of 
certainly two-thirds. 

The works are very far advanced and conducted by 
Saxon engineers, who are distinguished by real talent. 
It is almost incredible that what is already finislied has 
cost no more than 800,000 thalers. By the end of this 
year Coblentz will afibrd room for 60,000 men. 

I send to meet your Majesty at Esselbach Kerr von 
Handel, to receive your Majesty's orders for the journey 


from that place to Aix, and carry out all the arrange- 
ments, allowing for the proposed delay of one day. 


Eeceived and noticed. The enclosed E6ports are 

herewith returned. 


Aix-la-Chapelle, September 29, 1818. 

294. Johannisberg, Sept. 19. — In passing through 
Hanau, your Majesty will see the Elector. Annexed to 
this your Majesty will find a Report of General Wacquant 
concerning the Elector's very great wish to attain the 
Royal dignity. 

My feeling is entirely against the thing. In relation 
to the Bund, nothing now ought to be altered, even in 
name ; the dignity of the Crown certainly requires that the 
domain of a king should consist of more than one circle. 

The Elector seems conscious of this, and suggests 
the most futile expedient of a collective Royal dignity, 
which must deprive that dignity of all value. 

I propose, therefore, with all respect, that your Ma- 
jesty should declare with regard to this matter that it 
is of a nature which your Majesty cannot alone decide. 

If the Elector should ask your Majesty's advice, 
whether he should make any advances towards the 
other monarchs (he has already approached Prussia on 
the subject), your Majesty should advise him not to do 
so, and promise to talk over the matter confidentially 
at Aix. 

With respect to the German Bund, your Majesty 
might say to the Elector — 

' That your Majesty observes with sorrow the course 
that the Elector has lately taken at variance with his 
distinct promise to your Majesty's Cabinet. 



* That your Majesty would make the proposal of a 
division of the combined contingents into three corps, 
which, however, would by no means allow Hesse to be 
with Wurtemberg. Each one of the confederation must 
keep to his own geographical position. The crossing 
of the regular line of halting-places must be avoided. 
The corps would have to be as equal in strength to 
one another as possible. Too strong corps would form 
armies, and too weak corps, divisions, which give a 
great opening to the passion for incorporation. 

' How the three corps should be composed will have 
to be immediately arranged by your Majesty's minis- 
ter ; but that Hesse can never be with Wurtemberg 
results from the geographical position of the two States. 
That it could not be agreeable to the Elector to aban- 
don his own country, and withdraw from it to an arti- 
ficial line — a line on which the whole Bavarian army 
would be drawn up between Hesse and the corps to 
which Hesse's army wished to be attached : a line, too, 
which must be crossed by way of Saxony.' 

If your Majesty should wish for more details on this 
question, Herr von Handel, whom I send to Esselbach 
to receive your Majesty's orders, is quite able to give 
your Majesty every information. 

I have, besides, conferred with the ambassadors 
assembled here, in order to bring the military question 
to a conclusion in the first place here in Frankfurt — 
before Aix-la-Chapelle. I flatter myself that in this 
respect the last three weeks which I have spent here 
have effected more than anything which has been done, 
and have certainly led to the happy result of withdraw- 
ing every complication from Aix-la-Chapelle. 

I shall have the honour to expect your Majesty in 
Mayence on the 22nd. 


If your Majesty should give a regiment to the Elec- 
tor, this could only be done in consequence of good 
conduct on his part as to the affairs of the Diet. I 
cannot express any desire for such a favour to the Elec- 
toral Prince. Neither his personal attitude nor the 
value of his services entitle him to receive it. 


The Elector has spoken to me of his desire for the 

Eoyal dignity in a way that showed how much he is 

bent on attaining it. I gathered from what he said 

about the German contingents that he had given up his 

idea of joining his troops in one corps with those of 

Wurtemberg. No mention was made of the subject 

of the regiment. I return the documents that were 

enclosed, and take notice of the other contents of 

your Eeport. 


Aix-la-Ohapelle, September 27, 1818. 

295. Aiv-la-Chapelle, October 7. — Annexed I have 
the honour to lay before your Majesty a preliminary 
survey of the military negotiation at Frankfurt. 

A slight glance will convince your Majesty that the 
work touches on all the chief questions of a vigorous 
military organisation. Your Majesty will deign to ob- 
serve that it is worked out in detail with the same 
cogency as the Report to the Bund, which I expect in 
two or three days. 

This affair is certainly one of the most important 
of the present time, and, if I do not regret the great 
and continuous labour it has cost me for more than a 
year, it is only from the feeling of having rendered a 
true service to your Majesty and afforded substantial 
support to society in Europe. The most difficult matter 

N 2 


was the bringing to an agreement at the right moment 
so many opinions or feehngs, often separated by the 
most paltry and unworthy considerations. Nothing, 
too, could be more judicious than to show that, at the 
very moment of the evacuation of France, Germany 
is able to bear arms, and to render impossible any 
interference from Aix-la-Chapelle with purely Federal 

In this respect I consider ray last stay in Frankfurt 
as a moment favoured by fortune beyond all calcu- 

The Bund will adjourn from the 12th instant till 


Eeceived and noticed. You will lay before me as 
soon as possible the details of the military organisation 
of the German Confederation, for what you enclose is 
only a summary of the subjects which this organisation 


Ak-la-Chapelle, October 8, 1818. 

296. Aix-la-Chapelle, October 25. — Your Majesty. 
The painter Lawrence has received the necessary ma- 
terials which he was expecting, and will wait upon 
your Majesty to begin the sittings. He has made his 
arrangements in the Town Hall.* 

Eeceived and noticed. 

Aix-la-Chapelle, October 26, 1818. 



* The portrait of the Emperor Francis taken by Lawrence is in the 
Waterloo Chamber at Windsor. — Ed. 


297. Aix-la-Chapelle, October 28. — Your Majesty. 
I hasten to lay before your Majesty a Eeport that has 
just arrived here from Eio Janeiro, as it contains the 
news of what we may hope is the happy prospect of 
the pregnancy of the Archduchess Leopoldine. 


'Received and noticed. The Report enclosed is re- 
turned herewith. 


Aix-la-Chapelle, October 29, 1818. 

298. Aix-la-Chapelle, November 17. — Your Majesty. 
In the Conference to-day the Duke of Richeheu made a 
proposal as to the affairs of Spain with regard to her 
colonies, which will be followed by so important a dis- 
cussion that I was obliged to submit to the unanimous 
wish of my colleagues that I should assist at the debate. 
In any case I must be back here next Saturday, the day 
when the Duke of WelHngton will take part in the 

I have therefore determined to leave for the Con- 
ference at Brussels on Saturday, the 21st instant, instead 
of to-morrow, the 18th. Most of the ambassadors will 
then leave Aix-la-Chapelle also on the 22nd. 

This delay will not affect my whole journey, but I 
have thought it proper to inform your Majesty of it. 

The King of Prussia is stiU so suffering that he pro- 
bably will not be able to go to Brussels at all. 

Received and noticed. ... 


Aix-la-Chapelle, November 17, 1818. 



Autograph (pencil) memoranda by Metternich on loose sheets. 

299. The Act of Guarantee. 

300. The Coahtion and Quadruple AlUance. 

301. A glance at the state of things, November 1, 1818. 

302. Eight Principles. 

Act of Guarantee. 

299. The Emperor Alexander proposes a recipro- 
cal Act of Guarantee concerning the present possessions 
of each of the contracting parties. 

It appears that the Emperor Alexander even aims 
at estabhshing the casus foederis on a common basis, 
against any extension whatever, by any of the parties, 
of his present possessions. He explicitly confines the 
act and the guarantee to possessions in Europe. 


Not only is there no difficulty about the Courts of 
Austria and Prussia taking part in such an act, but 
they will find it a great security. It is not so with the 
British Government, who will find it impossible to take 
a direct and obligatory part in so extensive an act of 

Ought the Continental Courts to reject the proposi- 
tion of the Emperor Alexander because England cannot 
be one of the contracting parties ? 


Ouo'ht they to conclude the treaty with the 
exclusion of England? 

These are the most important questions of the 

Is there any form which would offer all the advan- 
tages resulting from such a treaty ? — namely 

1. The feeling of security which would follow such 
a transaction ; 

2. The moral impossibility for the Emperor Alex- 
ander to attempt any extension of his frontiers ; 

3. The strength which the civil party in the 
Prussian Government would acquire over the military 
party, who aim only at disturbing the possessions of 
their neighbours ; 

4. The effect which such an act would produce 
on the minds of people and parties, especially the latter, 
who would no longer see any chance of success for their 
criminal hopes, except in political movement. 

Considering the principle of harmony and moral 
solidarity which ought to exist between all the Powers, 
and especially between those of the Continent and Eng- 
land, what could be the form which, without making 
the material question of the guarantee bear upon 
England, would shew the moral concurrence of that 
Power ? 

The Coalition and the Quadrujjle Alliance. 

300. The Coalition was a general alliance. The 
Quadruple Alliance is not tliat, and never has been. 

It is formed on a peculiar element in the Coalition. 

It is to last twenty years, for its moral aim is ap- 
pUcable to all times and all circumstances, while the 
Coalition liad, and could have but one aim, and con- 
sequently must have a definite termination. 


The Coalition dates from the alhance of the two 
Powers which were first united against France ; it was 
strengthened at KaHsch, at Tephtz, at Frankfurt, at 
Basle. It was completed in 1814 by the passage of the 
Ehine ; it came to an end at the signature of the Peace 
of Paris. 

After the opening of the Congress of Vienna no 
trace was left of the Coalition. France was at the Con- 
gress placed on the same level as the other Powers. 

The Quadruple Alliance, however, remains strong 
and intact in its moral and general dispositions. This 
it was wkicli on March 15 served as a nucleus for the 
new Coalition, which came to an end, like the first, by 
the signature of the Treaty of Paris on November 20. 

The Quadruple Alliance, therefore, is not to be, and 
cannot be, confounded with the general alhance, which 
was nothing more than the Coalition. 

The Coalition was, and could only be, an element 
of war. 

The Quadruple Alhance is, and has always been, a 
principle of peace. 

Now, it would be almost as impossible to merge the 
Quadruple Alliance in a general alliance as it would be 
to merge the elements of peace and war together. 

And to this principle of peace, which forms the first 
and essential basis of the Quadruple Alliance, France 
chiefly owes it that she was not subdivided in 1815, and 
that the ill-feelings which the reception of Bonaparte in 
France necessarily provoked among the Courts and the 
peoples of Europe were mitigated and controlled. 


Abridged Summary of the Situation on November 1, 1818. 


1. < 

301. One alliance exists, the Quadruple Alliance. 

The casus foederis of this aUiance is specially suit- 
able to its form. 

The safety of the four contracting Courts requires 
that it be explicitly maintained. 

The interest of France requires it also. 

Consequently, prudence indicates one law for the 
five Courts : — 

1st. The maintenance of the Quadruple Alhance. 

2nd. In this maintenance, any appearance of menace 
to France — tranquil, governed by her legitimate King 
and under constitutional forms — must be avoided. 

The means of attaining this double end should be 
sought in the choice of forms and expressions in the 
political transactions to be settled during the meeting at 
Aix-la-Chapelle. . . 


France, however, does not find herself placed in a 
situation analogous to that of the other Powers. 

She is just issuing from the revolutionary move- 
ment ; she is a prey to many parties ; her territory 
has been set free ; the Quadruple Alliance exists, and 
this fact alone makes possible coercive action against 
France, if the latter should be again tlirown into a re- 
volutionary crisis. France shoidd not be, either in her 
own interest or in tliat of the four Courts and of 
Europe, abandoned thus to herself. It is therefore ne- 
cessary to unite her to these Courts by a pohtical 


This end cannot be attained by means of a treaty of 
alliance — 

1st. Because it is not in the interest of a system of 
peace to create new alliances ; 

2nd. Because a treaty of alliance demands a casus 

There is no possibility of establishing a casus foederis 
between the five Courts, and the endeavour to establish 
one on the maintenance of peace among States not ad- 
mitted to the alliance would be absurd. 

The means of attaining the end desired by the four 
Courts, and which ought to be desired by the King of 
France, may be found — 

1st. In the terms of Article VI. of the Treaty of 
Alliance of November 20, 1815 ; 

2nd. In the form of a diplomatic agreement (other 
than a treaty) between the five Courts, having for its 
one definite end the maintenance of the general peace. 


The diplomatic agreement bearing only on the five 
Courts, it would be necessary to deprive it of any ten- 
dency to disturb the other Courts of Europe. The 
means will be found — 

1st. By its being drawn up in an exceediiigly clear 
and precise manner suited to establish the agreement 
between the five Courts on the principle of the pre- 
servation of peace and the maintenance of the best rela- 
tions among themselves ; 

2nd. In a definite encfagement between the five 
Courts not to attempt to extend the action of their 
agreements to interests peculiar to other Courts ; 

3rd. In the enunciation of these facts to the Courts 
which have acceded to the transactions of the last few 


years, and in the positive assurance of the determination 
of the five Courts — 

{a) That they do not wish to arrogate to themselves 
the riglit of discussing or deciding a question which is 
beyond their direct interests ; 

(b) That they are decided, and engage themselves, 
never to touch upon a question connected with the in- 
terest of a third party witliout the direct intervention 
of that third party. 


The sanction of the Quadruple Alliance must take 
place between the four Courts. 

Confidential communication of the act which contains 
this sanction should be made to the King of France. 

The establishment of the diplomatic agreement be- 
tween the five Courts. 


The communication to Europe of the fact of this 

Ad 1st. The sanction of the Quadruple Alliance 
should be recorded in a secret protocol. 

Ad 2nd. The concert to be established between the 
five Courts demands — 

An invitation to France ; 

A protocol which will regulate the agreement 
between the five Courts. 

Ad 3rd. A communication to the other Courts 
should take place, either under the form of a declara- 
tion of the five Courts, or that of a uniform and circular 


despatch of the five Cabinets to tlieir accredited mi- 
nisters at the Courts of Europe. 

Right Principles. 

302. The treaty of Chaumont forms the basis of 
the Quadruple AlHance. 

This treaty contains some permanent stipulations, 
and others which are temporary. 

The treaties between the four allies, subsequent to 
that of Chaumont, contain the same differences. 

It is now necessary to maintain : 1st, the permanent 
clauses of the Quadruple Alhance ; 2nd, the casus foederis 
against France ; 3rd, to fix the meetings on the 
principle — 

[a) Of periodical meetings, with six months' notice 
if there is no necessity to hold one ; 

(h) Of extraordinary meetings, to be called for on 
special occasions. 




Memoir, by Friedrich Gentz, Aix-la-Chapelle, 
November 1818.* 

303. It is neither by the number of its decisions, 
nor by their direct importance, that the Congress of 
Aix-la-Chapelle stands forth in the pohtical transac- 
tions of our time. It had in reality only one question 
to decide,! and it honourably acquitted itself. The 
moderation, the kindliness, the delicacy with which 
everything was treated in these conferences that related 
to the evacuation of French territory, and to a number 
of points connected with it, might serve as a model to 

* This memoir was sent by Gentz to Metternich with the following lines : — 
' I have drawn up, for my new correspondent (Prince Souzo), a sketch of the 
most important negotiations at Aix, as an introduction to my future com- 
munications. Of this the accompanying Observations generales form the con- 
clusion. It is very possible that your Excellency may find their point of 
view somewhat too elevated ; I feel it myself, to a certain degree ; but it is 
difficult to tone oneself down in handling so great a subject. In any case, 
I believe, your Excellency will find these remarks not quite unworthy of 
your approbation, and if I am not deceived in this hope I shall be sufficiently 
rewarded.' These concluding remarks have been published (Prokesch, 
Depeches inedites, 1870, vol. i. p. 396). — Ed. 

t An article in the Treaty of Paris, of November 20, 1816, contained the 
declaration that after the space of three years the Allied Powers, in concert 
with the King of France, were to decide whether the condition of France 
was such that the foreign troops could be withdrawn, or whether the occu- 
pation must continue for five years. It was to decide this question that the 
Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle was summoned. Beside the three allied 
monarchs, there were there assembled the Austrian diplomatists, Metternich, 
Vincent, and Gentz ; the Russians, Capo d'Lstria, Nesselrode, Lieven ; the 
Prussians, Ilardenberg, Humboldt, Bernstorff; the English, Wellington, 
Castlereagh, Canning; the French, llichelieu, Rayneval, and Mounier. — Ed. 


future negotiations, and if France herself has not done 
sufficient justice to these proceedings, they will not the 
less be a matter of history. 

Considerations of the greatest weight prevented the 
sovereigns and ministers there met together from 
approaching, without urgent necessity, other subjects 
of discussion — especially from approaching them in 
regular and official forms. But all those which were 
the subject of their confidential deliberations were 
treated in a spirit of peace, justice, and wisdom, and 
not a resolution was taken, not a protocol signed, which 
did not tend to consolidate public order, or to devise 
remedies for complications which might endanger it. 

Nevertheless, it is not by its positive and material 
results alone that we must judge of the Congress of 
Aix-la-Chapelle ; we must look at it in its general 
effect, in the whole of the political and federal relations 
which it has established or materially strengthened, and 
in the influence which the mind which directed it may 
exercise on the present and future destinies of Europe. 
From this elevated point of view the Congress of Aix-la- 
Chapelle is an event of the highest importance, of which 
the superficial observer takes in perhaps only a few 
separate features, and which a statesman alone — looking 
into the hidden causes and meaninofs of things — can 

Not being able to include here all that belongs to so 
vast a subject, I shall confine myself to some observa- 
tions on the political and moral tendency of the con- 
ferences of Aix-la-Chapelle, under three heads, which 
seem to me to deserve particular attention. 


/. Concerning the General Political System. 

The whole of the European Powers have since 1813 
been united, not by an alhance properly so called, but 
by a system of cohesion founded on crenerally recognised 
principles, and on treaties in which every State, great 
or small, has found its proper place. One might deny 
that this state of things is what, according to the 
old political ideas, characterised a federative or well- 
balanced system. But it is not the less certain that, 
in the present circumstances of Europe — circumstances 
which she will not quickly get rid of — this system is 
the one most suited to her needs, and that the destruc- 
tion of that system would be a dreadful calamity ; for, 
as not one of the States comprehended in it could 
remain isolated, all of them would enter into new 
political combinations, and adopt new measures for 
their safety ; consequently new alliances, changes, 
juxtapositions, intrigues, indescribable complications, 
by a thousand different chances, all equally fatal, would 
bring us to a general war — that is to say (for the two 
terms are almost synonymous), to the entire overthrow 
of all social order in Europe. 

We must remember that during the year 1817, 
and up to the summer of 1818, some of these terrible 
dangers occupied, not only the idle conjectures of the 
public, but the thoughts of statesmen, filling them 
with great uneasiness and the most sinister presenti- 
ments. At that time a change of policy in Eussia was 
particularly dreaded : different symptoms, perhaps 
misunderstood at the time, had given rise to the 
suspicion that the Emperor Alexander aimed at a close 
alliance with the House of Bourbon in France, Spain, 
and Italy. Such a combination would have put all the 


intermediary States in the most critical position. It 
would have certainly provoked a counter combination 
between Austria, Prussia, and England. The Powers 
of the second and third rank would have been divided 
between the two standards. Germany, the central 
point of Europe, now united, would have run the risk 
of again being torn in pieces, in more senses in one. The 
jealousies, fears, disputes, provocations — inseparable 
from such a state of things — would have soon placed 
these two opposite political bodies in a thoroughly 
hostile attitude, and the first serious contest would have 
caused an explosion. 

It is true that these suspicions and disquietudes had 
in a great measure disappeared some months before the 
meeting at Aix-la-Chapelle ; but that meeting has 
brought about two inestimable advantages. First, 
that of having entirely cleared the ground, removed all 
doubts, and fully re-established the confidence of each 
of the Cabinets in the proceedings and principles of tlie 
other, and in the stability of the general harmony. 
Secondly, that of having by confidential interviews, 
earnest discussions, and the contact of intelligent minds, 
imbued the sovereigns and their ministers with the 
necessity of maintaining intact a system which, what- 
ever its theoretical merits or defects, is at present the 
only one practicable^ the only one which conduces to 
the real interests of all the Powers — the anchor of 
salvation for Europe. 

//. Concerning the Position of the Powers with regard 

to France. 
The confirmation of the Quadruple Alliance, in case of 
new catastrophes occurring in the interior of France, 
and menancing the repose of her neighbours, is one of 


tlie most solid benefits wliicli we owe to the Congress of 
Aix-la-Cliapelle. It was not easy to draw tlie line 
between an imperious attitude, Avliicli, instead of sub- 
duing a storm, might perhaps have raised and accele- 
rated it, and a contingent measure of precaution, merely 
sufficiently imposing to carry weight ; but competent 
judges will acknowledge that it has been done with 
much prudence and discretion. It is allowable to 
consider the danger against which this measure was 
aimed as more or less probable, as more or less im- 
minent ; but it is impossible not to admit the reality of 
its existence, and that, in the present state of things, 
France is the country least disposed to respect the 
general tranquillity, the best placed and best organised 
to disturb it, and the one which some years hence 
Avill be able to attack it most successfully. So long as 
the Quadruple Alhance exists, strengthened as it is at 
present by the whole military weight of Germany, the 
most audacious head of a party, or even a King of France 
carried away by popular excitement, would not lightly 
give the signal for fresh conflicts. Thus at least one 
of the clouds which threaten our dark horizon will be 
held in check by a proper union of strengtli ; and, had 
we only given this one security — enclosed, so to speak, 
in the general association which makes the basis of the 
state of peace— the Congress would have deserved well 
of mankind. 

[II. Concerning the Moral a7id Political State of Europe. 

All European countries, without exception, are 
tormented by a burning fever, the companion or fore- 
runner of the most violent convulsions which the civilised 
world has seen since the fall of the Eoman Empire. 
It is a struggle, it is war to the death between old and 
VOL. in. 


new principles, and between the old and a new social 
order. By a fatality, so to speak inevitable, the re- 
action of 1813, which has suspended but not terminated 
the revolutionary movement in Trance, has aroused it in 
the other States. All the elements are in fermentation ; 
the equilibrium of authority is threatened ; the most 
solid institutions are shaken to their foundations, hke 
the buildings in a city trembhng from the first shocks 
of an earthquake which in a few instants will destroy 
it. If in this dreadful crisis the principal sovereigns of 
Europe were disunited in principles and intentions ; if 
one approved what the others condemned ; if but one 
amongst them looked on the embarrassments of his 
neigiibours as a means of advancing his own interests, 
or if he regarded the whole prospect with blind or 
criminal indifierence ; if, in short, the eyes of all were 
not open to the revolutions which are preparing, and 
the means wliicli remain to them for preventing or 
retarding the explosion, we should be all carried away 
in a very few years. But, happily, such are not the 
dispositions of the princes who are protectors and 
preservers of public order ; tlieir intimate union, 
' calme et constante dans son actioji^' is the counterpoise 
to the disorder which turbulent spirits try to bring 
into human affairs ; the nucleus of organised strengtli 
which this union presents is the barrier which Provi- 
dence itself appears to have raised to preserve the old 
order of society, or at least to moderate and soften the 
changes which are indispensable. Now, this truly 
sacred union, of which the Holy Alliance is but an 
imperfect symbol, was never manifested in a more re- 
assuring manner tlian at the time of the conferences 
at Aix-la-Chapelle. Xot that they approached any of 
these dangerous questions, which would have been pre- 


texts for general agitation ; tliey discussed neither the 
form of governments, nor the representative system, 
nor the maintenance or modification of the privileges 
of the nobility, nor the liberty of the press, nor any- 
thing touching the interests of religion. Tliey carefully 
avoided giving opportunities for malevolence or indis- 
cretion by putting into the formal documents wislies 
or declarations of which each carried the principle in 
his mind, but the enunciation of which would have 
provoked vexatious and hostile criticism. They did 
better than that. Sovereigns and ministers understood 
what the common good required. They felt keenly 
the need of mutual confidence and more direct agree- 
ment than that which treaties could establish ; they 
sacrificed secondary interests, which under less serious 
circumstances, might have divided them, to the para- 
mount interest of uniting to defend the trust which 
Providence had confided to them, and put aside every 
other consideration, to preserve authority in the sliip- 
wreck by saving the people from their own follies. 
Without entering into unnecessary engagements, they 
have all agreed on the course to be followed amid the 
tempest, and the only title which they have solemnly 
brought forward to justify and authorise this course is 
the declaration that justice, moderation, and concord 
shall ever preside in their councils. 

Thus it is that the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle has 
fulfilled its high mission. The general impression it 
has made in Europe is its best witness. While main- 
taining a silence suited to its position and dignity, 
only interrupted by a small number of publications, it 
has everywhere encouraged the friends of order and 
peace, and terrified innovators and the factious. A 
Congress of diplomatists cannot, as such, change the 



destinies of the world ; but it can guide them, it can 
moderate them, it can prevent many evils which would 
aggravate them ; and if the effects which may reason- 
ably be expected from the last meeting of the 
sovereigns should be stultified by events above human 
calculations, it will still liave the glory of having been 
the support and the consolation of right-thinking men. 



304. Metternich to Prince Wittgenstein, Prussian Minister of State, Aix, 
November 14, 1818 (with two enclosures). 

1505. On the condition of tbe Prussian States (Enclosure No. 1). 

306. On educational affairs — Gymnasium and the Freedom of the Press 
in Prussia and Germany (Enclosure No. 2). 

304. I have the honour to send you, my dear 
Prince, the two sketches enclosed, confident as I liave 
long been of your patriotism. 

I do not come unbidden to plead for a cause 
strange to me. I have in these sketches laid down 
plainly my creed as the head of the Austrian Cabinet. 
Our intention is pure, like our views ; we do not 
separate our fate from the State which in every respect 
is nearest to us. The moment is urgent. What to-day 
may yet be possible will not be so to-morrow, and 
assistance is only possible as long as free power is in 
the hands of the King. 

I beg you, my dear Prince, carefully to consider 
both these documents. I have divided them because 
they belong to different branches of the administra- 

The first (No. 305) is my view of the next form of 
administration suitable for Prussia, and rests on one 
single proposition : — 

The central representation by representatives of 
the people is the disintegration of the Prussian States. 

It is so because such a reform takes place in no 


great State witliout leading to a revolution or following 
upon a revolution ; because in the Prussian State, from 
its geographical position and its composition, a central 
representation is not possible ; because this State 
requires before everything a free and sound military 
strength, and this does not and cannot consist with a 
j)urely representative system. 

According to my firm conviction, the King ought to 
go no further than the formation of provincial Diets in 
a very carefully considered, circumscribed form. If 
the idea of a central representative body, chosen from 
the different Diets, is referred to by me, this is because 
a similar idea already exists in the Koyal declaration, 
which is known to the public and is the only one 
possible. Beyond this all is pure revolution. Will 
these very limited ideas not also lead to revolution ? 
This question the King should ponder deeply before he 

The second paper (No. 306) is no less important in 
its object, and is as urgent as the first in its apph cation. 
It needs no comment, for fact speaks daily for my 

I have, under the seal of secrecy, imparted these 
two projects to the Chancellor of State, Prince Harden- 
berg. I put the present copies into your hands, my 
dear Prince, and I leave it to your judgment whether 
you will submit them to his Majesty. In the first 
audience granted me by his Majesty some propositions 
were received with such free and outspoken con- 
viction that his Majesty made me wish to write them 
down. I believe, too, that I fulfill a duty to my own 
Fatherland in offering our true and impartial opinion 
on the position and the dangers of our closest allies. 
Receive, my dear Prince, this proof of confidence, &c. &c 


On the Position of the Prussian States. 

305. It would be superfluous to enter upon a con- 
sideration of the importance of tlie existence of Prussia 
for the whole of the European State-system. This 
springs from the nature of things ; it is founded on the 
present condition of Europe, and this universal admis- 
sion is manifested by the late negotiations. 

But for Austria the existence of Prussia has a special 
and pecuHar value. 

In a similar position with respect to neighbouring 
States ; the chief members of a Bund Avhicli has the 
right to reckon on their support, and the duty of ren- 
dering the same support to them in return, the two 
States can never separate their interests without danger 
and difficulty to both. They must together prosper or 
together suffer ; the peace, the strength, or the weak- 
ness of the one will always react for good or evil on 
the other. 

The strength of States rests on two fundamental 
conditions — their political and their administrative con- 

The first is at the present time more than ever 
beyond the calculation, as bej^ond the will, of Govern- 
ments. The Hmits of States are of late years firmly 
and inviolably fixed by diplomatic negotiations. What 
might be improved in them lies consequently beyond 
the sphere of discussion. Political repose rests on 
fraternisation between monarchs, and on the principle 
of maintaining that which is. To oppose these funda- 
mental principles would be to shake the edifice to its 
very foundations ; the consequences of such an under- 
taking must certainly be to any State more productive 
of danger than utility. 


But the form of administration remains in tlie 
liands of the Government wherever the power has not 
been given away. The efforts of parties are constantly- 
directed to lead Governments astray from this truth. 
The revolutionists always calculate on the paternal feel- 
ing of the reigning princes ; wisdom, however, bids the 
monarch, above all, to maintain the right, to protect 
his people from theoretical projects, and to prove and 
consider everything, and make choice of the best. 

Wherever the limit has not yet been overstepped — 
that is to say, wherever the monarch can still act inde- 
pendently — the carrying out of this last principle is quite 
possible, and this holds good for Prussia. The course 
now chosen by the King will decide much more than 
the fate of his own kingdom. What an incalculable in- 
fluence the next internal organisation of the Prussian 
States must have on Germany and Austria is self- 
evident. This is felt by the unelected representatives 
of the so-called voice of the people. The party has so 
far remained true and consistent in its course. It has 
sought in Prussia the support for its lever, and perhaps 
has found it only too readily. The moment has ar- 
rived for the King to give his verdict. His decision 
may be the certain triumph of the revolution over the 
whole of Europe, or may save and maintain the peace of 
Prussia and the world. 

What will the King do ? This question may, per- 
haps, be answered in a few sentences. 

The main condition of every form, its utiHty or its 
worthlessness, will be determined by a true knowledge 
of the body to which it is to be applied. 

The Prussian States, although united under one 
sceptre, consist of many different portions, separated by 
geographical position, climate, race, or language. It 


has in this respect much similarity with the Austrian, 
although the position of the latter is in every way 
more advantageous. The separate parts of the Austrian 
monarchy are more solid ; their geographical position is 
better ; they all form a well-rounded whole. Of the two 
kino-doms Austria would herself be more suited for a 
pure representative system than Prussia, if the differences 
of her populations in language and habits were not too 
important. How can that which is impossible to be 
carried out in Austria succeed in Prussia ? 

Under existing circumstances in tlie two monarchies 
the certain result of the attempt would be that in the 
desire for a really representative central system, the 
kingdom would fall into separate parts — parts which 
have not then to be made, but which are already there 
as parts, and show more substantial differences than 
even Holland or the Netherlands. 

The success of the central representation in this 
kingdom does not need consideration ; the introduction 
of it has given to all Europe a great and decisive proof 
of the uselessness of such a scheme in a whole formed 
of such essentially different parts, and in this way it may 
have done some good. 

In another respect the kingdom of the Netherlands 
offers a second experience which is not to be despised. 
This kingdom requires above all for its maintenance a 
strong military power, and this very important condition 
of its existence as well as that of Prussia is enfeebled 
by its constitution, as would be the case in Prussia if a 
central representation were introduced. This has been 
felt by the civil party in Prussia, which has long ago 
raised its voice against the army, and proposed a sense- 
less system of a mere arming of the people in the place 
of tlic standing army. The Prussian State would ap- 


proach its internal dissolution if ever the King of 
Prussia sliould appear, not at the head of an army, 
but as the leader of seven or eight separate masses 
of men. 

Promises, however, have been made on the part ot 
the Government ; they must be redeemed. The pressure 
of the people is to obtain some guarantee against des- 
potism, especially on the part of the Germans, from a 
remembrance of former times, and from the dreadful 
abuse of power of which the German princes, in their 
arrogance, have been guilty since the year 1806. This 
pressure was originally for the restoration of government 
by Diet, until, overpowered by the voices of the revolu- 
tionists, it made its appearance in the form of a desire 
for a central representative system. It is easy to imagine 
from the obscure ideas of tlie majority as to the real 
nature of popular representation to what delusion 
this gives rise ; and if the national mind has really 
clianiied, it becomes all the more incumbent on the 
monarch s to examine everything, and to resolve only 
upon what is truly good. 

The King has promised a purely representative sys- 
tem. He will accordingly give to his people the guaran- 
tees wdiich alone are suitable to his kingdom. 

The Prussian monarchy may be divided naturally 
into several divisions : — 

1. The Marks of Brandenburg ; 

2. The Kingdom of Prussia ; 

3. The Grand Duchy of Posen ; 

4. The Duchy of Silesia ; 

5. The Duchy of Saxony ; 

6. The Duchy of Westpliaha ; 

7. The Grand Duchy of the Lower Ehine. 

It is still to be considered to what divisions Pome- 


rania, Lower Saxony, and Berg will be joined. They 
are at any rate not fitted to form single States, and it is 
probable that Pomerania will be united to the Marks, 
Lower Saxony to the Duchy of Saxony, and Berg to 

Each of these provinces is entitled to take part in a 
representative system by Diet, but these Diets are by no 
means to be cast in exactly the same forms without 
regard to their local concerns, which are, for instance, 
in the Grand Duchy of the Lower Rhine very dif- 
ferent from others, as Silesia, the Marks, &c. &c. By 
an enlightened regard for local concerns, the surest 
foundation will be laid for the happiness of each State 
in itself and the welfare of all the States as a whole. 

Such Diets should be formed before anything else is 

If ever the Budget question or legislation in the 
highest sense should make a central representation ad- 
vantageous to the State, or if the solution of this ques- 
tion should be hereafter unavoidable, an expedient 
might be found by choosing not less than three mem- 
bers to be sent from each Diet, expressly called together 
for that purpose. 

This central body would at least be more easy to 
guide aright than a combination of deputies strange or 
even hostile to each other, who would never be brought 
to agree in one political aim. 

The following main points will suffice to show briefly 
our views : — 

1. The Prussian State shall continue to exist in the 
form of separate provinces. 

The executive power to reside in the King. He will 
have ministers at the head of the different departments, 
and a Council of State. 


Eacli province to have an Upper and a Lower ad- 
ministrative board. 

2. Each province to be represented in a way suitable 
to its local relations. 

The presidents of the Diets to be named by the King. 

The principal features of the action of the Diets will 
be as follows : — 

In their assemblies, legally summoned, they shall 
have the risht to transmit to the Government all re- 
quests and remonstrances on matters concerning the 
welfare of the province, the Diet, or single individuals. 

It will rest with them to distribute the taxes accord- 
ing to legal principles, to watch over the just division of 
the public burdens in the provinces and prevent all 
abuse and injustice in this respect. 

3. The King will introduce this system of represen- 
tation and reserve to himself the subsequent decision as 
to the co-operation of the provincial Diets by means of 
a central representation composed from them for the 
passing of the Budget and higher legislation. 

The Government must be careful, before the in- 
troduction of Diets, to arrange the provinces in their 
different parts and regulate their administration, and a 
central representation can only be the result of such 

4. It is no doubt a question worthy of consideration, 
what connection there might be between a Council of 
State in the extensive form of the Prussian Council and 
the central representation as chosen from the different 
Diets, and whether some members of the Council of 
State, as such, might become members of the central 


On Education, Gymnastic Establishments, and Liberty of 

the Press. 

(Supplement to No. 304.) 

306. As important perhaps for the decision of the 
Prussian Government are the questions arising from 
the intrigues of the various peace-disturbing parties in 
Prussia as well as Germany. 

The means of checking the growing evil are two- 
fold. The first and principal the King will find in his 
own will ; the second, in the closest agreement with 
Austria. The first refers to the Prussian State itself; 
the second to a common course to be followed at the 
Diet. These last might gain in safety by an agreement 
between the two chief German States, and confidential 
conferences with the chief Courts before they can with 
advantage be brought before the Diet. 

The subjects which we think necessary to point out 
here are : — 

I. The question of Education. 

II. The establishments for Gymnastics. 

III. The Liberty of the Press. 

I. Education. 

No impartial observer can now doubt that the inno- 
vators in Germany — and most of them are found among 
the learned caste — have relinquished the hope of 
actively influencing the present generation with their 
revolutionary spirit, and still more of moving them to 
action. The characteristic features of the Germans will 
always hinder the success of such an attempt. The 
German is cold, prudent, and faithful. He speculates 


more tlian he acts, especially when the action involves 
a rending of the civil and domestic ties. The patriotism 
of the Germans has various aims ; there are in the com- 
mon fatherland separate voices of the people ; provin- 
cial patriotism is the nearest to the German citizen : he 
grasps it from the cradle, and thirty generations have 
shown no reason why it should not be honoured as the 
deepest and most natural feeling, for the Branderburger 
and the Austrian, the Bavarian and the Hessian, are all 
ahke Germans. The political formation of States often 
operates on the mind of the people for centuries longer 
than the institutions themselves exist ; the remembrance 
of the German Empire, too, is still fresh and vivid, 
particularly in the lower classes. Even if there is no 
more an Empire, there is still a Germany, and the 
nucleus of ancient j^rovinces under ancient Princes. 

Conscious of the futility of the undertaking, the plan 
of the innovators — for they act on a settled plan — has 
taken quite a different character, a character which 
suits itself to the feeling and personal relations of the 
leaders : that which the present generation cannot per- 
form is reserved for the next, and in order that the 
next generation may not follow the footsteps of its pre- 
decessors, the youth must be seized as he leaves boyhood, 
and he must undergo a revolutionary training. 

Where the revolution in its coarsest form cannot 
pervert and incite to insurrection the already educated, 
a people shall be educated for revolution. 

This plan is followed at some of the German univer- 
sities, and if we have not the necessary information to 
enable us to judge exactly how far many professors at 
the Prussian universities join in it, we believe we are not 
wrong in considering it more than probable that they 
do so. V 


The Eoyal Prussian Government is well aware of the 
signification of the German Burschen^chaft^ and that the 
mischief cannot be too soon checked is beyond a doubt. 
But that this can only be accomplished by tlie united 
action of the German Governments is just as certain. 

II. Gymnastic Establishments. 

The mischief here is closely connected with life at 
the universities: the inventors, the invention, and the 
execution belong to Prussia. 

The gymnastic establishment is a real preparatory 
school of university disorders. There the boy is formed 
into the youth, as in the higher school — the university — 
the youth is formed into the man. 

We here declare our firm conviction that it has be- 
come a duty of State for the King thoroughly and en- 
tirely to destroy tliis evil. Palliative measures are no 
longer sufficient. Tlie whole institution in every shape 
must be closed and done away witli, offenders being- 
made liable to legal censure. 

As the institution was founded and still exists in 
Berlin itself, and as the branch institutions seem all to 
depend on and spring from the mother institution, the 
evil must there be uprooted. If offshoots continue to 
exist, this will be a fit subject for consultation with those 
German Governments which may not be clearsigiited 
enough, and may further encourage the evil. 

III. Liberty of the Press. 

Tliis point, the most difficult of all, can only be re- 
gulated by a close agreement between Austria and 
Prussia, and by this means with the other German 
Governments — if, indeed, it possibly can be regulated. 


Every measure must be grounded on the following 
principles : — 

1. The broadest views as to real substantial works ; 

2. The most decided difference between such works 
and pamphlets and journals ; 

3. Respect for the independence of the single States 
forming the Bund, and the certainty that no State may 
remain in the Bund which does not possess some efficient 
law on this subject, whether it be preventive or repres- 



307. The Edict of the Emperor Joseph is in full 
force in all the German States of Austria. The Hun- 
garian Constitution is opposed to one j)art of its execu- 
tion, but this fact is independent of the wishes of the 

Schools for Jewish girls exist everywhere. Where 
the community is not large, the children of both sexes 
frequent the Christian schools ; every Jew is at hberty 
to educate his children in Christian educational estab- 

Jews can, under certain restrictions, and in countries 
where the constitutions do not directly oppose it, be- 
come landed proprietors. 

They are subject to the military conscription, hke 
the Christians. All grades of the service are open to 
them : there are staff-officers at this day who are Jews. 

Distinctions of every kind — except those which re- 
quire the formula of a Christian oath, such as the orders 
of knighthood — are given to them. Men remarkable for 
their civil virtues and honourable estate have acquired 
titles of nobility, which place them in the same rank as 
Christian noblemen. 

* The occasion of this judgment seems to have teen the appearance of a 
' Memoire sur I'etat des Israelites, par un Ministre du Saint Evaugile/ which 
was dedicated and presented to the monarchs assembled at the Congress of 
Aix-hx-Chapelle. Besides which, the representatives of the Jews in Vienna 
presented a petition to their Majesties, imploring an inquiry to be made into 
the state of the law in respect to the civic rights of members of the Israelitish 
faith.— Ed. 


210 THE JEWS. 

They may adopt any profession they hke ; if there 
are very few in the Civil Service, it is because they do 
not choose that career, or, rather, that those who do 
aspire to it enter the bosom of the Church. 

Nevertheless, in many places it has been necessary 
to take measures of precaution in carrying out the 
edict of the Emperor Joseph, even after it has been in 
force many years, because of the abuse by Jews of the 
concessions granted them. Devoted to business, from 
father to son, assisting each other with large capitals, 
they prefer to gain by either lawful or unlawful trade 
what would cost both care and trouble to attain by 
other means. 

The laws of the Emperor Joseph have, however, 
been of real benefit; the most satisfactory example that 
could be cited in support of this truth is the difference 
between the Jews of Galicia and those of ancient Poland. 

One of the great difficulties in devising any measure 
relating to the position of the Jews arises from their 
number. Any hasty reform bears heavily on an 
immense mass of men whom nothing can persuade to 
renounce old customs or adopt new ones. 




Extracts from Metternich's private Letters, from March 5 to 
June 22, 1819. 

308. The journey postponed. 309. From Friesach. 310. From Florence- 
reception of the Emperor. 311. Grand banquet in honour of the Emperor. 
312. Arrival at Rome — description of the city — audience by the Pope — 
St. Peter's — the Vatican — Palm Sunday' — the Coliseum. 313. Good 
Friday at St. Peter's — the blessing Orhi et Urhi — death of Kotzebue. 
314. End of the festival — illumination of the Cupola. 315. Arrival at 
Naples. 316. Pozzuoli and Baja — the miracle of St. Januarius. 317. 
Visit to Pompei. 318. The Grotto of the Sibyl. 319. Ascent of Mount 
Vesuvius. 320. Excursion to Salerno and Psestum. 321. The Emperor 
on Mount Vesuvius. 322. Postponement of the Emperor's journey — the 
plan for Metternich's journey — Tivoli — Lawrence in Rome. 323. The 
procession of Corpus Christi. 324. From Perugia — the portrait of 
Clementine by Lawrence — Metternich's bust by Thorwaldsen. 325. De- 
scription of Perugia. 326. Cardinal Consalvi. 

Metternich to his Wife, Vienna, March 5, 1819. 

308. Very much against my will, my dear, I have 
been obliged to put off my journey till the 8th. I have 
yielded to Staudenheim's orders, and he has found a 
powerful ally in the worst weather that heaven ever 
sent to any part of this lower world. The thermometer 
is constantly at one, two, or three degrees above zero. 
It rains, there is a thick fog ; sometimes a few flakes 
of snow come to enliven us ; the men cough, the women 
sniff, the children squall. Here in three sentences, I 
give you a picture of society in Vienna, and its 

This is the plan for my journey. I intend to sleep 

P 2 


on the 8tli, at Schottwien ; tlie 9th, at Leoben ; the 
10th, at Klagenfurt ; the 11th, at Ponteba ; the 12th, 
at Coneghano ; the 13th, at Verona ; the 14th, at 
Modena ; the 15th, at Scarica I'Asino ; the 16th, at 

309. Friesach, March 10. — Thanks to the despair- 
ing anticipations of Floret, who always thinks it is im- 
possible to reach any place, I have arrived here in such 
good time, my dear, that I am able to write to you. I 
shall send my letter by post to Klagenfurt, so as to 
ensure your getting it safely. I left Kraupach at seven 
this morning, the most wretched hole on earth ; I dined 
at Unzmarkt, and here I am at Friesach at seven in the 
evening. I found a good deal of snow between Krau- 
pach and Neumarkt, where the level is high, but it 
disappeared as we descended towards Carinthia. I 
shall find it again in the Julian Alps. To-morrow I 
shall sleep at Tarvis. 

You see, my dear, that the journey is going on very 
well. Everybody is in good health, and Kaunitz is just 
the same as in 1799. He does not speak of his griev- 
ances : it seems as if he had none ; he eats, sings, 
whistles, laughs, and sleeps, hke everybody else, and 
carries it so far that I beheve he is only restive, like 
some horses, which are very gentle and quiet for 
months together, and begin to rear and kick at certain 
times and in certain places. 

In the course of my travels I have made a discovery 
in natural history. The magistrate of Judenburg was 
waiting at the door to compliment me. All magis- 
trates everywhere are constantly complaining ; he of 
Judenburg had no complaint to make of men, so he fell 
back on jiiice. The burgomaster having assured me 
that the mice had ravaged the fields, I asked him if this 

TRAVELLING IN 1819. 213 

plague had existed for a long time. " My God, yes — 
ever since the French came ! " " What ! did the French 
bring mice in their train ? " " No, but those devils of 
men encamped near the town ; they eat so much bread 
that they filled the fields with crumbs, and we have had 
all the mice of Styria since." Hate is blind ! 

310. Florence^ Mar^ch 18. — I write to you at last, 
my dear, after having waited from hour to hour for the 
possibility of sending this off*. I have had the quickest 
and the best journey possible. Once on Italian soil, it 
was so much accelerated that I was obliged to increase 
the number of my stations. I slept at Tarvis on the 
11th, at Conegliano on the 12th, at Verona on the 13th, 
at Bologna on the 14th, and arrived here on the 15th, 
in nine hours, a thing without example. The Emperor 
made the journey in ten hours, and it was said to be a 
miracle ; I made it in one hour less, and the miracle 
was one no longer. Where ordinary travellers ascend 
the high mountains of the Apennines in carriages drawn 
by oxen, I went at a quick trot with eight horses. The 
animals in this country must have limgs made differ- 
ently from those of our ultramontane cattle. I have 
had nothing to complain of on the way, except an excess 
of attention. At Bologna, the Cardinal-Legate waited 
upon me with invitations from two societies, and to two 
suppers — one at his own house, and the other at Mare- 
scalchi's, where I lodged. In my difficulty of choice I 
went to bed, and left the two parties to arrange the 
suppers as they liked, after having fraternised with his 
Eminence for nearly two hours ' in camera caritatis.' 

. . . . We are here in the midst of flowers ; the 
houses are still cold, but there are good chimneys, and 
even stoves in all the rooms. 

The Emperor has been received with real enthusiasm 


by the Tuscans. He is marvellously well. Venice gave 
him a cold in the head ; I was right enough to avoid 
that charming resting-place. 

Florence is still full of English ; they are beginning 
to move towards Eome. The Emperor leaves on the 
29th of this month. I intend to start with Marie on 
the 26th. We shall go that day to Leghorn, on the 
27th to Pisa, the 28th to Sienna, the 29th to Eadicofani, 
the 30th to Viterbo, and we shall be at Eome on 
the 31st. 

I am lodging here at the Palace Dragomanni. The 
mistress of the house is a widow, and is that wild 
dancer of the Furlana whom you have seen at Madame 
Elisa's balls in 1810 at Paris. She is nine years older, 
and dances no longer, but my virtue is as safe as if she 
still danced with her old impetuosity. I liave never 
liked paroxysms or hurricanes. The windows of my 
bedroom look on a garden where everything is in 
flower. Just beneath me there are orange trees in the 
open air, covered with fruit, and the flowers just peep- 
ing out. I am astonished, for, after all, the heat is not 
great ; the sun is everything here, and the sun of 
Tuscany is quite a different thing from the sun beyond 
the Alps. 

311. March 22.— The town gave a fete to the 
Emperor yesterday. The fete was beautiful, simply 
owing to the locality ; it was held in front of the Pa- 
lazzo Vecchio. The people assembled in the old palace 
inhabited by the Medici before they acquired the Pitti 
Palace. Everything there breathes of their presence, 
though it is three hundred years since they left it. The 
Uffizii galleries were illuminated. There was a coloured 
fire, which did not add much to the beauty of the 
illumination. What I liked best of all was to see the 

ROME. 215 

beautiful statues of Micliel Angelo, Benvenuto Cellini, 
&c., tlie chefs- d'mivres of architecture of that epoch, 
briUiantly illuminated, which, in fact, enables me to say 
that I have seen it all as the creators themselves saw it. 
Cararaan raves about Florence ; he declares that to be 
there is like being in an enchanted palace ; and he is not 
far wro^ig. Nothing that one sees there is like anything 
one sees elsewhere. 

I shall leave on the 26th, and will follow strictly 
the route 1 indicated in my last letter. 

312. Rome, April 2. — Here we are, my dear. I 
shall not undertake to tell you what we find in Rome ; 
I leave that to Marie. Do not think, however, that she 
is exaggerating, for that is simply impossible. Imagina- 
tion attains to what has been presented by the senses — • 
in vain we delude ourselves : that circle is never left. 
Eome must be seen to be believed in. All that the 
most beautiful cities in the world can show of magnifi- 
cence in detail is gatliered together here, and certainly 

Eome has been to me like a person I tried to 
imagine witliout having seen ; such calculations are 
always deceptive. I have found everything different 
from what I supposed ; I expected Rome would be 
old and sombre— it is antique and superb, brilliant 
and new. I do not know what I would give to take 
you for a single instant to the window of my drawing- 
room ; and this window is nothing compared to one in 
a dressing-room which is prepared for the Empress ! 
Picture to yourself the most splendid view, so rich that 
one would accuse of excessive exaggeration the painter 
of such a scene. Opposite and beneath me I have 
St. Peter's,' the Castle of St. Angelo, the Column of 
Antoninus, innumerable obehsks and palaces, each one 


more magnificent than the other ; fountains throwing 
up an enormous vohime of water ; to the left, the 
Cohseum, St. John Lateran ; opposite, the Vatican, &c., 
&c. These, indeed, are a number ©f names, but they 
give no idea of the objects, St, Peter's and the Vatican 
together are as large as the city of Tu'rin, which con- 
tains sixty thousand souls. Tlie square of St. Peter's 
alone would contain two hundred thousand. The only 
thing which could give any idea of these spaces are the 
Tuileries, the Square of Louis XV,, and the Champs 
Elysees, The garde-meuhles are, taken separately, only 
miserable hovels compared to twenty private houses 
which count for nothing in Eome, The Parnese Palace 
is one of the largest and most lofty — well, the high-altar 
of St. Peter's is six feet higher than the palace, and it is 
in bronze. 

We arrived here the day before yesterday, before 
nightfall. The cupola of St, Peter's may be discerned 
a little this side of the last posting-stage. The country 
is nothing but a desert. The soil, the best in the world, 
requires only hands to cultivate it. At last, after the 
most disagreeable journey, one arrives among ruins, with 
numbers of posts here and there, on which hang the 
bodies, old and new, of brigands who have committed 
murder on this very spot. It is more like the gates of 
Tartarus than those of the Holy City. But, once free 
from all this, the grandeur of Eome becomes over- 

Arrived at the Consulta, where I live, and where 
Cardinal Consalvi waited upon me with a crowd of men 
whom he had provided for my estabhshment, I was 
hterally terrified at first at the sight of my apartments. 
They consist of twenty-five magnificent rooms. Marie 
has at least half that number for herself, I began yester- 


day by going to see the Pope, whom I found in very 
good health, much better than I had expected. He is 
infirm, but with an infirmity quite natural to such an 
advanced age as his. He let me know, through the 
Cardinal, that he will see me whenever I like. 

I sallied forth, therefore, first of all to pay my 
respects to him. He received me as he would an old 
friend ; he spoke to me of our correspondence while he 
was a prisoner at Savon a. He came forward to meet 
me, had a stool placed beside him for me, and we con- 
versed for an hour. Pepi and my gentlemen were wait- 
ing in the antechamber. I begged for permission to 
present them to him ; he walked to the other end of the 
room to ring for them to be shown in. I presented 
them ; he said a few words to them, and ended by con- 
ducting me, on leaving, as far as the first room. I defy 
even those who are too attentive to do more. He con- 
verses very well, with great facihty and much hveliness. 
During an hour of conversation, on everything in the 
world, he laughed for a good quarter of an hour. Cer- 
tainly no interview between Pope and minister, meeting 
for the first time, could have been more kindly. He 
likes to speak of his troubles under Bonaparte, and he 
reminded me of more than twenty anecdotes of my 
conversations with the latter on his account. He told 
me to come and see him, how and when I hke. 

The apartments destined for his Majesty are of ravish- 
ing beauty. Besides the magnificence of the locality, 
the greater part of the furniture was made under Napo- 
leon, who had intended the Quirinal for his own palace. 
The Pope has had everything finished, so that in these 
apartments may be found all that is beautiful in ancient 
and modern art. When the Louvre is finished it will 
not bear comparison with the Quirinal. The first ante- 


chamber — a room as large as the Eedoiite at Vienna — 
is common to the Pope and the Emperor. It is used as 
a peristyle to tlie chapel, which is prepared for some of 
the functions of Holy Week. This chapel holds five 
hundred ; three thousand have applied for admission. 
There are more than forty thousand foreigners in Eome, 
countinfT both masters and valets. 

The apartments of the Pope contrast singularly with 
the magnificence which surrounds them ; they are more 
than simple. 

From the Quirinal we went to St. Peter's ; from St. 
Peter's to the Vatican. What say you to this life ? 

It is a fact that St. Peter's seems small, in conse- 
quence of the harmony of all its parts. It is only when 
one examines, when one measures, that one begins to 
doubt the evidence of the eyes. The marble angels 
which support the basins for holy water are placed 
on the two first pilasters beyond the entrance. You 
think them quite near ; they seem to be about the 
height of Leontine : as you approach them they in- 
crease till they become colossal. The four pillars on 
which the cupola rests, which is six feet more in 
diameter than the Pantheon, seem merely of ordinary 
dimensions. Well, the thickness on the narrow side is 
thirty-two paces. Picture to yourself this church, 
which has twenty chapels, each of which would make 
an enormous church, and each of which has a cupola 
higher and lai^ger than that of St. Charles Borromeo, 
all inlaid with marble, all the ceilings in mosaic, 
representing magnificent pictures. There is not an 
ornament which is not either in marble, porphyry, 
antique alabaster, or gilt bronze ; not a corner which 
is not as completely finished as a snuff-box ; gigantic 
monuments everywhere, executed by the first masters 

ROME. 219 

of all times ; such magnificence of every kind was never 
gatliered together in ancient times. 

St. Peter's as a church is the chapel of the Vatican. 
You remember the gallery of the Louvre. Put twenty 
like that one after another, and you would hardly have 
the space which is filled with statues, marbles, monu- 
ments of every kind ! Nevertheless, in November next 
they will open a new wing with halls and galleries, 
which they will fill with statues that are now in ware- 
houses. Besides all these halls and galleries, there are 
also eleven thousand rooms and closets, all habitable, 
in this same house. 

What galleries are those painted in fresco by 
Eaphael I This marvellous man painted one — perhaps 
the most beautiful — at the age of eighteen. 

We walked straight on, we did not stop at all — 
looked about us very little, and yet we walked for five 

Our days are arranged. We shall go out every 
day from eight till mid-day, and from four to six. It 
is too hot between mid-day and four o'clock. To-day 
it has been warmer than it generally is with us in the 
month of June. 

April 3. — Yesterday morning we went to see the 
Forum of Trajan, a magnificent ancient ruin. 

Then we visited the studios of Canova and Thor- 
waldsen, two very remarkable artists. Wliat Canova 
has done already, and what he is at present doing, is 
inconceivable. This man reminds one of the best days 
of Greece. 

The Emperor arrived at half-past four. We waited 
upon him in his own apartment. On arriving he went 
first to see his Holiness, who came to meet him as far 
as his own legs would carry him. The Emperor has 


been received with much pomp and great enthusiasm 
by the people. The whole population of Eome turned 
out to meet him. 

April 4. — I close my letter just as I am starting for 
the Quirinal, for the Feast of Palms. The ceremony 
will last three hours : I shall be consequently too late 
to write to you on my return, as the courier must start 
so as to arrive in Munich in time to meet the one who 
goes from Vienna to Paris. 

Marie has doubtless told you of our walks yester- 
day morning. We passed four hours in the Eome of 
the Csesars, in the midst of the most magnificent ruins 
of edifices the most sublime and the most gigantic that 
human genius ever created. The Forum Romanum is 
a town of temples and monuments. The excavations 
made by the French and continued by the Pope allow 
one to walk once more on the pavement of the Via 
Sacra, along which all the triumphal processions wended 
their way. 

A mass — partly upright, partly lying confusedly on 
the earth — of trunks of gigantic columns of porphyry, 
and the most beautiful marbles and granites from the 
East, of capitals and other debris, shows what this 
place must have been. Imagination alone cannot rea- 
lise it. The Pope, who does an immense deal for art 
(or rather Consalvi does it in his name), intends to 
excavate the whole of the Forum. It is a great under- 
taking, for the old pavement is covered by from fifteen 
to twenty feet of earth and .ruins, and the great diffi- 
culty is to know where to throw the earth from the 

The Coliseum cannot be described. Its ruins do 
not resemble those of a building : they look more like 
those of a mountain. According to the most moderate 


calculations, eighty thousand spectators could have been 
seated there with ease. Each place still bears its 
number, Hke the stalls in the Court Theatre at Vienna, 
which, however, has only this one resemblance to that 
of the Eome of the Csesars. 

313. Rome, April 10. — We hve in the midst of 
Pagan temples and in Christian basilicas ; the last three 
days we have alternated between the Sixtine Chapel, 
the Museums of the Vatican, and the Church of St. 
Peter's. The last of the grand religious ceremonies will 
take place to-morrow ; the place alone would make it 
very beautiful, for it is to be at St. Peter's. The 
functions on Holy Thursday and Good Friday were 
beneath my expectations. For one thing, the Holy 
Father did not officiate, so the High Mass was reduced 
to the ordinary service ; besides, there is no doubt that 
what I have seen at the Sixtine Chapel was not equal 
to the ceremonies which formerly took place at the 
Electoral ecclesiastical Courts ; and the washing of 
feet and the repast of the Apostles are infinitely more 
imposing at Vienna. The ceremonies here take place 
in halls and chapels much too small, although in the 
largest palace in the world. These places are encum- 
bered with strangers : for one Cathohc you see eight or 
ten Protestants, for the most part Enghsh. The guards 
are obliged to use tlieir halberds : the Pope, the 
Apostles, the sovereigns — all is confusion. On Holy 
Thursday they pass from the Sixtine Chapel to the 
Pauline Chapel : from thence to the hall where the 
Apostles dine. There is a fight at each door, and 
generally blood flows. Yesterday, for example, an 
English lady, fancying herself stronger than a guard, 
had her cheek pierced by a halberd. One hears nothing 
but cries of ' My shoe ! ' ' My veil ! ' ' You are 


crushing me ! ' ' Your sword is running into my leg ! ' 
* Give way, please ! ' and then ' knocks and blows ' in 
abundance. The noise ceases, and the ceremony is 
over. Last year an Englishman, determined to pass 
between two guards who were in line, forming a 
passage for the Pope, had his nose taken off between 
the shoulders of the two guards (they wear cuirasses on 
Holy Thursday). You may imagine that the holiness 
of the place and the unction of the service gain nothing 
by these occurrences. 

In my opinion the effect of the illuminated cross in 
St. Peter's surpasses all description. This immense 
basilica, enveloped in darkness, is lighted from a single 
focus ; the cross, about fifty feet in height, so suspended 
as to have the appearance of sustaining itself, is wonder- 
fully beautiful. 

The effects of hght in the side chapels are marvel- 
lous ; the tombs seem to be reanimated. On one of 
the pillars Pope Gregory XIII. seems to be coming out 
of his niche. The magnificent lion on the tomb of 
Clement XIV., by Canova, has the appearance ot 
springing to defend the approach to the tomb. Seen 
from the end of the church, the cross is framed by the 
four columns of the high altar ; each step presents a 
new and magical effect. Picture to yourself all this 
space illumined by a single ray of light, this light losing 
itself in the vast space, and only reflected by the 
ceihngs in gilding and mosaic ; this is the time to judge 
of the immensity of the edifice. The door is opened in 
the middle of the church, and thus the cross is seen 
from the other side of the Piazza of St. Peter's. At that 
distance it seems about the size of a bishop's cross. 
The Piazza is dark, and the cross is the only hght 
visible. ' ; 


The Pope's benediction has also a striking effect. 
The moment when the Holy Father, carried in a chair, 
appears at the window in the front of the church, and 
rises to bless the people, all the people falling on their 
knees, is most solemn. But it seems as if bad luck 
attended all the religious ceremonies at Eome. After 
the benediction the Holy Father sits down ; he remains 
at the window ; a cardinal advances and throws to the 
people indulgences written on sheets of paper. All the 
ragamuffins assemble, struggling and lighting to get 
one of these papers. There are shouts and laughter, 
as when one throws money in the street ; the victors 
make off as fast as they can, and use — I know not 
how — their indulgences. 

I acknowledge that I cannot understand how a Pro- 
testant can turn Catholic at Rome. Rome is like a 
most magnificent theatre with very bad actors. Keep 
what I say to yourself, for it will run through all 
Vienna, and I love religion and its triumph too much 
to wish to cast a slur upon it in any manner whatever. 
In all this it is evident that Italian taste has much 
influence in the ceremonies ; what pleases and excites 
laughter on this side of the Alps causes weeping on the 
other, and vice versd. One ought never to forget to 
make this allowance — looking on and keeping silence, 
but above all taking good care not to betray it. 

I can imagine Gentz's fears, which, however, are 
certainly more reasonable than many others which he 
has had within the last few years. The assassination of 
Kotzebue is more than an isolated fact. Tliis will be 
seen by-and-by, and I shall not be the last to take ad- 
vantage of it, notwithstanding the blows which I do not 
fear, however much I may be exposed to them. I do 
not allow myself to be put out ; I go my own way, and 


if all the ministers did the same, things would not be as 
they are. I assure you that the world was in perfect 
health in 1789 in comparison with what it is now. 

Marie will tell you more than I can of what we are 
doing ; she can only tell you what is good, except of 
two dinners which we had yesterday at the Vatican- 
oily dinners, without butter or eggs : infernal, and worse 
than all the doctors' stuff. We took the only sensible 
course — that is to say, we ate nothing. 

314. April 13. — . . •. Here we are safely through 
our feasts and fasts, which is indeed a happy circum- 
stance. Marie will tell you of the pomp of Easter Day, 
which surpasses all that one can imagine of splendour 
and magnificence. Even what is not in good taste is 
fine ; I mention specially the decoration of St. Peter's, 
which is much more magnificent when the pillars are 
simply of marble and porphyry than when they are 
draped in crimson damask. But these thousands of yards 
of damask, lace, and festoons silence the criticisms of the 
enhghtened amateur ; they overwhelm him, and he can 
criticise no longer under so immense a weight. The 
rehgious ceremony in this vast building, where strong 
barriers arrest the impetuous strangers ; the crowd of 
cardinals, bishops, priests, guards ; the immense space 
which is given up to worship alone, a space in which 
men seem to dwindle in the same proportion as the 
mind expands —all is magnificent. 

The illumination of the cupola is equally so. On 
this occasion it was not confined to the cupola, the 
whole front and colonnade were on fire. The first il- 
lumination was designed by Michel Angelo. The second, 
which in less than two seconds encircled this immense 
edifice as the clock strikes a certain hour (eight at 
night), was simply beyond description. After looking 


at this for some time, one wished the first to return, 
which shone at intervals between the torrents of light 
from thousands of jets of fire. 

The fireworks at the Castle of St. Angelo were the 
most beautiful I have ever seen, and I suppose the most 
beautiful that possibly can be seen. 

You doubtless remember the girandole let off in the 
Place Louis XV. in 1810. Well, this was the same 
number of rockets fired from a separate plateau, and 
thrown to a height of a hundred and fifty or two 
hundred feet, giving to the whole the appearance of 
Vesuvius in eruption. The rest of the fireworks re- 
presented the ancient edifice, with its hundreds of 
columns, its immense fountain, &c. The whole thing 
ended mth three clusters of rockets, of which one was 
let off from the top of the building ; the two others were 
on a lower level and extended on each side. To com- 
plete the effect, guns were fired from the batteries of 
the castle. The sight was worthy of the best days of 

I beg you to shoAv this letter to Pilat : it will save 
me having to send him a description, and will furnish 
him with a good article for his ' Observer.' I hope 
it will arrive before he is assassinated by some Jena 

Good-bye, my dear ; we are all as well as could be 
wished. I hope that you are well too. We walk, we 
see all there is to be seen ; I work, I dine, and 1 sleep. 
This is my way of life at Eome, and Staudenheim may 
be easy, for my health was never better. The weather 
is just like the end of June with us. The trees are all 
green, the lilacs are in blossom, the roses have been out 
some time. 

Good-bye. My love to you all ! 


315. Naples, Ajnil 30. — We have been at the foot 
of Vesuvius, my dear, for four days. 

The situation of Naples is more beautiful, and at the 
same time more grand, than I had imagined. Every- 
thing there is on an immense scale. The mountains 
are high and rugged like the Alps. Vesuvius is a pro- 
digious mass, certainly larger than the Schneeberg. It 
is seen from everywhere, except the house in which I 
live. It forms part of the inner frame of the great 
basin of Naples. The Pompeian side is charming, 
although exposed to continual risks. This terrible 
neighbour will fall in some day ; it will die out as 
twenty other volcanoes have done in the chain of the 
Apennines ; but it may still cause many disasters before 
it disappears. Since April 13 it has been unceas- 
ingly active ; a large column of smoke is rising from 
the three craters, and a stream of lava rolls down its 
side. It is sometimes so bright as to be seen by day. 
At night it resembles a stream of molten iron. 

The cultivation and charm of the country have far 
surpassed my expectations. The country between 
Terracina and Naples is very like Upper Styria, 
especially the environs of Cilli and Laybach ; add to 
this valleys the size of those on the Ehine, vegetation 
quite inconceivable for richness and intensity, Vesuvius 
always in sight, at every instant new vistas over the 
sea and over the most picturesque islands in the world, 
and you have an idea of travelling in this country. 
I have seen many things in this world, but nothing 
more beautiful, nor more satisfying both to mind and 

Marie will tell you all I have left unsaid. She has 
so much my way of seeing and judging of things that I 
can trust perfectly to her letter. The bad weather is 


in our favour. Marie will be able to write you a 

The difference of age, sex, and tastes is, however, 
evident in her letters and mine. She does not hesitate, 
for example, between Naples and Eome. I should have 
great difficulty in giving the preference to Naples over 
Rome, and I should wish for both cities, to be able to 
enjoy alternately the marvels of nature, and those 
created by the grandest human intelhgence. 

The Emperor will remain here until May 25. I 
shall leave one day before him. 

316. May 3. — Marie, in her last letter, gave you 
a description of what we have seen. I have made one 
more excursion than she has, for I took advantage of an 
hour of beautiful sunshine a few days ago to pay a visit 
to the magnificent Bay of Pozzuoli and Bai^e. Marie, 
meantime, was in attendance at the Court, and she 
revenged herself to-day, while I was engaged at a 
grand dinner with the King, by going to Pozzuoli itself 
All these places are so near each other that it only 
takes one or two hours to go from one to the other. 
Heaven has been pleased to create the most beautiful 
sites in the world, and men have had the good sense to 
make use of them. 

There is no greater proof of the good taste of the 
ancients than the choice which they made of Hercu- 
laneum, Pompeii, Baiie, &c., in which to pass the most 
beautiful months of the year. All these places were to 
the Romans what Hietzing, Hutteldorf, and Baden are 
to the Viennese. 

This is a fair comparison, even from the point of 
view of the moral grandeur of the men who live no 
longer and of the men of to-day who live too much. 

The weather being in a state of convalescence, we 



intend to-morrow to take a trip to Pompeii. This can 
be done in one morning. 

We were present yesterday at tlie procession of St. 
Janiiarius, who worked his miracle at eight o'clock in 
the evening in the church of St. Clare. This procession, 
which we saw leave the cathedral, is most curious. 
Thirty-six busts of saints and saintesses in good sohd 
silver, carried by lazzaroni clothed in a sort of mounte- 
bank livery or dressing-gowns, more dirty even than 
those who wear them, and that is saying a good deal — 
these lazzaroni liave their heads covered with ragged 
caps ; priests and monks, who are not more occupied 
with their holy functions than the spectators ; all 
running, shouting, dashing against each other, and 
crowding pell-mell. This is what I saw. As the 
miracle is performed during a whole week, I shall be 
present at it one of these days. It is necessary to see 
the people here to form any idea of them, and it is a 
fact that they are a hundred times cleaner and more 
civilised than they were twenty years ago. The 
Government has done much, and does more" every 

St. Carlo will not be opened till next Sunday, at 
the end of the double neuvaine. In the meantime, 
I was present yesterday at a rehearsal of 'Zoraide,' 
Kossini's opera, and I saw the house thoroughly. It 
is unquestionably the most beautiful in Europe. Like 
St. Peter's, it seems smaller than it is, owing to its 
perfect proportions and rich decorations. It has a 
hundred and eighty boxes, all very large, and it accom- 
modates six thousand spectators. Nevertheless, we can 
hear perfectly in every part of the house. We shall 
have eight of Eossini's operas, and the last of his com- 
positions are perhaps the most beautiful. I spend my 


evenings in listenin"' to the singinw of Davide and tlie 
principal artistes of Italy. 

All our servants spent last night on Vesuvius. I 
could not help laughing when I heard some one say to 
the King this morning that the coiq? d'ceil which he 
had seen last night of Vesuvius covered with flambeaux 
was superb. I doubt whether Giroux will go to see 
Vesuvius ; he still denies that the mountain as he sees 
it is a volcano. He says that, as it only spits fire and 
vomits smoke, it cannot be a volcano ; and that he is 
not fool enough not to know that a volcano is just like 
the fireworks which he saw at Rome. 

This Vesuvius, my dear, is a most imposing and 
splendid spectacle. Unhappily, I cannot see it from 
my window, but from everywhere else — that is to say, 
a hundred steps from my house. It can be seen as soon 
as it is dark, like an immense beacon. A great eruption, 
such as that of 1814, must indeed be a wonderful sight. 
The mountain is so near the city, the slope to it is so 
direct, that a new crater — and a new one is being 
formed with each eruption — will one day place it in 
great danger. The Neapolitans, however, never think of 
this ; they are like sailors, who forget that there is only 
a plank between them and the deep, and one is tempted 
to forget, in the perfect enjoyment of a nature so 
beautiful and smiling, that danger may be so close at 

317. Naples, May 4. — This morning I went to see 
Pompeii. Nothing is more curious than this relic, 
seventeen centuries old. Fate seems to have buried it 
to give future generations a complete idea of Roman 
customs. Scarcely a twentieth part of Pompeii is 
uncovered. One can walk in the amphitheatre, the 
forum, the basilica, in two theatres — one for tragedy 


and the other for comedy — i!i four temples, in the 
midst of the tombs, through three streets on the 
original pavement ; one can enter more than a hundred 
shops and houses, on the doors of which the name of 
the proprietor is written : and all these places are just as 
they were the day they were engulphed. The altars of 
the temples and the tombs are as fresh as if they were in a 
sculptor's studio ; the town is large enough to have 
contained from thirty to forty thousand inhabitants ; 
the temples, the forum, and the theatres are as beautiful 
as they could be in a Eoman capital, and as they ought 
to be in a Christian one. We have all very bad taste 
in 1819. 

318. May 7. — I meant to have despatched a 
courier to you eight days ago. We lead such a busy 
life here that days pass like hours ; it will leave us, 
however, a very agreeable recollection. I suppose 
Marie has given you an account of what we have done 
lately. Our trip to Baise was certainly one of the most 
beautiful that could be imagined ; that district is as 
classic as it is beautiful, and that is saying a great 

I do not know if you have a translation of Virgil's 
jEneid ; at any rate, try to get one, and read the be- 
ginning of the sixth canto. He describes all the places 
where we have been, and really it is difficult to express 
what one feels on setting one's foot on the Champs- 
Elysees, approaching the banks of Acheron, and the 
ferry where Charon crossed and recrossed with his 
boat. You find yourself on the very spot where ^neas 
embarked, you enter the grotto of the Sibyl of Cuma3 ; 
in a word, you do all that seems to belong only to the 
domain of fancy. It is natural that a religion entirely 
sensual should find its paradise in a land of dehghts : 


the Christian religion, entirely intellectual, looks beyond 
the clouds, to a country vast and vague as thought 

Marie will tell you that we drank your health on 
the highest rising ground in the Champs Elysees. No 
description could do justice to the beauty of this situa- 
tion. Twenty different points of view, immense rocks, 
islands as picturesque as possible, unparalleled richness 
of vegetation, a soft and gentle air ; in the distance 
Vesuvius throwing an immense column of smoke high 
in the air ; the ground covered with ruins of palaces 
and temples — I can only give you a very feeble picture 
of what is indeed far beyond imagination. 

The Gulf of Baite bears the palm even over that of 
Naples, and the Eomans had some of their principal esta- 
bhshments there also. Pozzuoli, Bai«, Cumte were three 
large towns, and, to judge by what remains, the country 
must have been for miles covered with houses. The 
sea has, besides, gained on the coast in consequence of 
earthquakes and volcanic eruptions. The shore is 
always strewed with fragments of mosaic and remains 
of architecture deposited by the waves. 

"We are going to-day to make the ascent of Vesuvius. 
Have no uneasiness on our account. We shall dine at 
home at one o'clock ; we shall be on the summit about 
six o'clock, and from it we shall see sunset. We shall 
want a little darkness to judge of the effects of the lava, 
and we shall be at home by ten or eleven o'clock. 
Vesuvius is paying us great attention. Without being 
in complete eruption, it has been active for nearly a 
month. Last night, for example, it was furrowed by 
five streams of lava. In this state it has the effect of an 
immense charcoal fire, suspended some thousand feet in 
the air ; every five or ten minutes there rises from the 


crater an immense jet, like the bouquet in fireworks. 
The column of fire is of difierent colours ; in this respect, 
a^ain, it resembles fireworks. Nature works here in a 
manner at once very patent and very mysterious. One 
sees but cannot understand it. 

319. May 12. — I begin my letter to-day, my dear, 
with Vesuvius. I told you in my last that we were going 
there, and I promised you that we should return safe 
and sound. We have kept our word. 

On May 7 there met at my liouse Tini Grassalkowich, 
Therese, her pupil ; Sclionburg, Kaunitz, d'Aspre, Paar, 
and all my gentlemen except Mercy ; we dined at one 
o'clock, and we arrived at the hermitage, which is 
about a third of the distance, at four o'clock. We let 
our horses rest for half an hour, and went on again for 
half a league, to the foot of the great cone which forms 
the modern Vesuvius, since it separated from Mount 
Somma to engulf Herculaneum and Pompeii. Between 
the hermitage and the cone there are immense torrents 
of old lava, a veritable chaos, worthy of the lower 
regions. Up to this time it is tolerably easy, but here 
begins a fatigue one may call supernatural, for God 
never made Vesuvius to be climbed by men. Picture 
to yourself a slope, not like the roof of a house, but 
something like the bell in St. Mchael's tower, many 
hundred feet high, covered with rolling stones large 
and small, rocks, hardened lava, the scorise of lava, 
not a plant, not a place to rest. 

We had prepared four seats. These seats were 
placed on two litters, which four men carried on their 
shoulders, two others drawing them with ropes. These 
men had to be relieved every five minutes. Those who 
walked were dragged by two men, who had belts round 
the waist for that purpose. 


Tini, Marie, Kaunitz, and I occupied these seats. I 
left mine when we had got about a third of the way, for 
I would rather have broken my leg than be carried any 
further. Of the four porters, there was always one at 
least on the ground. What completes the charm of 
this journey is that, once undertaken, there is no going 
back. No one can descend by the same way he came, 
and the descent, which I will describe to you by-and- 
by, only begins at the summit of the mountain. 

After going up for an hour and a half of this climb- 
ing, we arrived at the fresh lava, where everyone is 
obliged to walk. They choose for a path the streams of 
three or four days old, for they are hard on the sur- 
face and less rugged. Imagine a canal covered with 
flagstones of all shapes, badly joined, and instead of 
water a mass of iron red-hot just beneath the surface, 
and you will have some idea of this path. At this 
point Marie would go no further. You know what a 
coward she is, and I cannot understand hov.^ she allowed 
herself to be carried so far up. But when she felt her 
feet scorching, when the first puffs of sulphurous vapour 
reached her, she began to cry, and I had her taken 
down by the help of Pepi and four men. There only 
remained about fifty feet more to climb, and our task 
was accomplished. 

Once arrived at the summit, we saw craters on all 
sides, and quite close to us, for the present plateau is 
not much larger than two-thirds of the Place de la Cour 
at Vienna. It is in the form of a funnel in the middle, 
and on each side rise two veritable chimneys made of 
sulphur and calcareous substances, about six feet high, 
and of which one has an opening of perhaps fifteen feet 
in diameter, and the other of four feet at the most. It 
is from these chimneys that the flames and fire issue, 


for the lava makes its appearance nearly a hundred 
feet below the summit on the side of the mountain. 

The smoke and flames rise unceasingly from Vesu- 
vius in its present state ; the form and appearance 
change every instant ; the chimneys alone remain the 
same. Every five or ten minutes an eruption is an- 
nounced by a subterranean noise, and a slight trembhng 
of the mountain. The noise resembles a discliarge of 
twenty large guns in the interior of a vault. Then an 
immense jet of fire rises above the craters, like the 
bouquet in fireworks ; burning scoriaa shoot up to the 
height of eighty or a hundred feet, and fall back into 
the funnel and on the sides of the mountain. There is 
no danger if one stands out of the wind. 

The flames, the smoke, the burning substances 
hurled into the air, the noise of the explosions, are as 
different from the most splendid fireworks as are gene- 
rally the grand sjDCctacles of nature from those of 
human device. 

I could scarcely tear myself away from a spectacle 
full of beauties beyond description, and at the same 
time full of awe impossible to describe. 

The view from the summit of the mountain is 
simply magical ; it takes in all the islands, bays, and 
coasts ; the whole country lies before one as on a map. 
We watched the sun sink down into the waves of the 
sea, and then sought for a safer place to wait the 
approach of night ; we found it about fifty or sixty feet 
lower down, out of the way of the eruptions, and above 
the flow of lava, which at night takes quite a new 
aspect. Elvers of lava, reaching as far as one can see, 
tliere issue forth. The course of lava is very slow ; I 
do not think it advances more than two feet a minute. 
About half past nine, we began our descent, by the 


light of the volcano, the lava, the beautiful Naples 
jnoon — that moon which Caracciolo compared to the 
London sun — and twenty torches. 

This descent, which is made on the opposite side to 
the ascent, is at once more convenient and more incon- 
venient, more serious and more ridiculous. Sinking 
to the knees first in cinders, then in sand, one allows 
oneself to slide down perpendicularly, and in ten 
minutes you are at the foot of the cone, like an 
avalanche, and with a real avalanche. There is no 
danger, no fatigue, and it is like nothing that one has 
ever done before in one's life. 

Marie came to meet us at the spot where we fell — 
for it was a fall most literally. She was in raptures at 
seeing me again, and we had an excellent supper, which 
Jablonowsky prepared for us at the hermitage. 

All that I have told you is a very faint sketch of a 
most extraordinary picture. Well, in the midst of so 
many perils, no misfortune ever happens to any obedient 
pilgrims. There are sometimes amateurs who pretend 
to know much more than their guides, and some acci- 
dent may happen then ; while if you are docile you 
get off with little fatigue and no risk. Our principal 
guide generally goes three or four times between 
Portici and the summit of the mountain in twice 
twenty-four hours. None of our guides, porters, 
guardian angels — call them what you will — allows a 
single day to pass without taking this journey, for a 
sum of barely six francs. The path from Portici to the 
crater is constantly — day and niglit — like a great 
thoroughfare : all foreigners wish to have seen Vesuvius ; 
the Neapolitans themselves are the only persons who 
never go up ; just as I have never been to the top of 
the Kahlenberg. 


I am delighted to have seen what I shall never see 
again. No one has any idea of the thing without 
having been there, and an eruption of the volcano 
would no longer astonish me. The road by which we 
went up to the summit a few days ago exists no longer. 
The stream of lava is much larger, and it is necessary 
to take a different direction. 

I suppose Marie has told you of the Villa Gallo, a 
veritable chef-d' ceuvre of nature, and one of the rare 
examples where the proprietor has had the good sense 
to embellish it by beautiful plantations. A summer 
passed in this place must be enchanting. Yesterday 
the king gave a ball at his Palace of Capo di Monte. It 
was a beautiful fete^ and any fete illuminated by the 
lava of Vesuvius is always most striking to strangers. 
The N^eapolitans alone do not trouble themselves 
about it. 

320. j^ldy 19. — I can only write a few words, my 
dear, for I write between our return from Psestum and 
the departure of the courier, whom the Emperor has 
delayed only to await my arrival. 

We left Naples the day before yesterday, and slept 
the same night at Salerno. We stopped on the way to 
see a temple, or rather a church, built near Nocera by 
Guiscard, the Norman king, with debris taken from 
Pa3stum ; and the Abbey of Cava, a charming place, 
celebrated for its scientific collections. Yesterday we 
passed the wdiole day at Pjestum, and returned to 
Salerno at eleven o'clock at night. This morning we 
visited Vietri, and came back to Naples two hours 

PoBstum is worthy of the highest admiration. The 
three temples, still standing — and which may, from their 
great solidity, stand for many centuries more — date 

P.ESTUM. 237 

back to fabulous times. They certainly belong to a 
time anterior to the foundation of Eome. Their style 
of architecture resembles the Doric, but it is not so 
refined as that which has borne this name in later 
periods. Placed originally in a city renowned for its 
dehghtful environs, and for the quantity of roses its 
gardens contained, they stand now, in the midst of a 
plain given up to buffaloes and aquatic birds. The 
situation is magnificent, for it stands on the Gulf of 
Salerno ; but the country ceases to be habitable towards 
the middle of June. The malaria arrives in this country 
as soon as it is depopulated. This place is interesting 
to me, among other things, because it is the most 
southerly that I have ever visited. The distance from 
Naples in a straight line is nearly sixty miles. The 
weather was very favourable for us ; it is now settled 
fine, and "fine" here is a very different thing from 
what it is with us. Marie complains of the heat — I 
think, without cause, for though the sun is certainly 
scorching between eleven and four o'clock in the after- 
noon, there is always a breeze from the sea ; the air is 
cool, the heat is slight, and I am in my element. Also, 
I never remember to have felt better in health. 

The departure of the Emperor is fixed for the 31st 
of this month. He did not wish to refuse a pressing 
invitation from the King to remain here for his fete-diij , 
the 30th. I intend to start on the 28th, on account of 
the arrangements for the horses ; the King will perhaps 
not like it, but I shall do all I can to get a few days 
more at Eome, where there are still many things for me 
to see. 


Metternich to his Mother. 

321. Naples^ May 21. — The Emperor's journey has 
been in all respects a success, and my only regret is 
that what we now see in passing is not what I shall 
have to see all the rest of my Ufe. Our tastes are so 
much alike that I am convinced you would be the 
happiest person in the world in this country. All that 
nature has ever made most beautiful, most majestic, 
and most charming she has thrown here in a perfect 
flood on all that one sees, feels, and touches. You love 
mountains : well, this is like Switzerland ; you love a 
clear bright sky : you have it here with a constancy un- 
known among us. This country is all that one could 
wish ; it contains all that one finds wanting in other 
countries, and if the people were but in harmony with 
nature nothing would be left to be desired. 

. . . The Emperor was on Vesuvius last night. He 
saw the sun rise, a superb sight from such an elevated 
spot, which looks over countries equally magnificent. 

... I intend to leave for Rome on the 28th of this 
month. I shall leave the Emperor at Milan in the be- 
ginning of July, and I shall be at Carlsbad on the 15th, 
or soon after. I go there simply because Staudenheim 
wishes it, for my health is very good Hot climates 
are made for me — or rather, which is more modest, I am 
made for them. I sleep better, I have a better appetite, 
and, in a word, I am a different being than when seated 
behind a stove. I have the same nature as the palm- 
tree, which will not grow where it is cold, and which 
dies in a hot-house. Here they grow sixty feet, and 
without asserting that I shall reach the same height, I 
can boast of flourishing like them under the influence 
of the same sky. 

ROME. 239 

Metternich to his Wife. 

322. Rome, June 6. — ... The Emperor, who in- 
tended to leave to-morrow has put off his journey till 
the day after the feast of Corpus Christi ; not because 
he wished to see the religious ceremony at Eome, but 
because the Httle Archduchess Caroline is slightly in- 
disposed, and Stifft has advised the Emperor to let her 
stay here a few days longer. Instead of leaving on 
Friday the 11th, I shall start on Saturday the 12th. 

. . . You are mistaken in thinking that I shall not 
be at Carlsbad in time. I shall be there for certain 
between the 15th and the 20th of July, and I beg you to 
tell Staudenheim that I shall be delighted to see him 

. . . Besides, a great deal of business awaits me 
there, for while I go to establish my own health, I can- 
not forget that Europe, and especially Germany, is in 
a far worse case than all the drinkers of water whom I 
shall meet at Carlsbad. I shall return to Vienna in the 
beginning of September, and I should be very glad if I 
could have been there sooner. 

The Emperor, however, cannot arrive till about the 
same time ; if, therefore,! had continued to travel with 
him all the time, I should not be much more advanced. 
. . . Two days ago we took a trip to Tivoli. Every- 
thing in this country is gigantic. Tivoli far surpassed 
my expectation with respect to its situation, the mag- 
nificence of its falls and of its vegetation. The word 
cascatelle sounds so small that one does not expect to 
find twenty cascades, containing an immense volume of 
water, precipitated from a height of four or five hun- 
dred feet, dashing over rocks of a form and structure 
altogether extraordinary, for they are themselves only 


the product of the waters. I cannot understand why 
there is not a single exact picture either of Eome or its 
environs : only portions of the city or the neighbour- 
hood are represented. I suppose it is the extent of the 
undertaking which frightens the artists. I will bring 
you a view taken from one of the windows of my 
drawing-room, which was drawn for me by a French 
artist of great merit. This view is exact, and you will 
tell me if ever you have seen, at any theatre whatever, 
a drop-scene which could be compared to it. The de- 
corations of the Triomphe de Trajan are the merest 
trifles compared to what is seen here from every 
window, provided always it does not look on a bhnd 

Lawrence has taken up his abode at the Quirinal, 
and all Kome goes to see him. His reputation is made 
as thoroughly as that of the Coliseum. Cammuccini 
says he is the Titian of the nineteenth century. My 
portrait meets with great approbation ; Clementine's is 
charming, and I am sure that if ever she comes to Eome 
she will be obliged to wear a veil, in order not to lose 
too much in the eyes of the many curious people who 
are anxious to see her because of her portrait. He has 
begun the portrait of the Pope, and is next going to 
take Cardinal Consalvi. 

323. June 10. — This morning we had a grand ce- 
remony, one of the most beautiful in Eome — the pro- 
cession of Corpus Christi. It may well be superb, for 
the procession passes through all the colonnades of the 
Piazza of St. Peter's. The ceremony is so thoroughly 
religious, that it seems to me nothing could be added 
or taken away without injury. I do not care for cere- 
monies in general : they leave a void in the heart, and 
do not even satisfy the senses : but I must do justice to 


that of this day. It would be impossible to adore the 
majesty of God with more submission or with more 

324. Perugia, June 17. — What is most annoying to 
me in the matter* is that probably I shall be obliged to 
leave the Emperor at Florence, and consequently shall 
not go to Milan, I shall console myself no doubt for 
not going to Lombardy, but I believe I should have 
been able to be of service to the Emperor there, and I 
therefore regret that I cannot accompany him. 

You see that in any case I am determined not to 
arrive later than the middle of July at Carlsbad. In 
this I am not yielding to Staudenheim's pedantry, for it 
may be as hot, and even hotter, towards the end of 
August than in the middle of July at Carlsbad, as it is 
everywhere else ; but such important business requires 
me at a certain time that I choose the opportunity of 
being most useful, and sacrifice the chance of being less 
so. Besides, I reckon on the most beautiful weather 
coming at the end of the summer, for the spring, and 
even the month of June, have been so cold that warmth 
must surely have its turn. 

.... !Marie has sent you a most beautiful rosary 
which the Pope gave me. I make you a present of it, 
but it must remain in tlie family as a souvenir. The 
Pope has been good and kind to everybody. I passed 
two hours with him the last day I was there, and I am 
convinced there never was a man in his position so 
plain and simple, and at the same time so enlightened. 
He had tears in his eyes wlien he spoke to me of his 
regret at the Emperor's departure, and he told me why. 
He had from the first been more than pleased with the 

• The illness of the Archduchess Caroline. 


Emperor, who always improves on acquaintance, and 
he said he should again feel so lonely ! The Quirinal 
has really become once more a cloister. In this im- 
mense palace there only now remain the Pope — whose 
Court is not larger than that of a ' Hofrath ' — Cardinal 
Consalvi, and Lawrence. The annual expenses of the 
Pope amount to three thousand crowns. 

The portrait which Lawrence is painting is a real 
chef-d'oeuvre ; he has taken the Pope full-face, seated in 
the grand chair in which he is carried during the solemn 
ceremonies. The Pope's countenance is good and spiri- 
tuelle ; he is somewhat worn, but his eyes are those of a 
young man, and he has not a single grey hair. You 
know how clever Lawrence is at eyes and hair ; so he 
is here on his own ground. Lawrence spent all his time 
with me at Eome, and he cried like a child when I left. 
I asked him the price of Clementine's portrait ; he said 
to Floret, whom I sent to ask him, that he should have 
looked upon the very question as an insult, only he 
knew me so well. ' I painted Clementine,' said he, ' for 
the love I bear her father, her mother, all her family, 
and for self-love too ! ' 

.... Thorwaldsen has finished my bust. It will 
be perfect. This artist will see you very soon ; he will 
spend a fortnight at Vienna on his way to Warsaw, 
where he is going to erect a monument to Poniatowski. 
I have given him a letter for you ; you will be well 
pleased with him, for he is as modest as he is clever. 
These qualities always go together. 

325. June 19. — I am waiting to leave here till the 
Emperor goes, or rather I wait for the chance of meet- 
ing Capo d'Istria at Bologna. In this case I sliall go 
from here to that city by the Forli route, to join tlie 
Emperor at Florence afterwards. I shall leave Italy on 


July 20 at the latest. You shall, however, have the 
exact itinerary. You see I shall not accompany the 
Emperor to Milan. 

... .1 am at this moment passing through one of 
the most magnificent and picturesque countries in the 
world. I have never seen a situation like that of 
Perugia. Every side is alike grand. The town is situ- 
ated, like most of the towns in the Apennines, on a high 
elevation, and looks over more than a hundred leagues 
of country. The land below is hilly, and covered with 
fields, beautiful as g;ardens. The mountains in the dis- 
tance are as high as the Alps. Every inch of the ground 
is famous. To the right, near the Lake of Thrasimene, 
Hannibal defeated the Eomans. Before me is Assisi, 
famous as the birthplace of St. Francis, and for a Temple 
of Minerva, built by Augustus, and one of the best 
preserved I have seen ; Spoleto, the ancient residence 
of Astolphe and Desiderius, kings of Lombardy ; thou- 
sands of olive-trees, green oaks, a magnificent vegeta- 
tion. The orange-trees have ceased since Eome. 

At Spoleto I was shown as a curiosity an espalier of 
lemons, which were only covered during the three 
months of winter. I felt rather melancholy when they 
told me that ; I had just come from a country where 
they are always in flower ! I have often told you my 
nature is the same as that of the orange-trees. Their 
climate is necessary for me to bear good fruit. The air 
here is as cold as on our mountains ; it is very healthy, 
and the best proof of this is furnished by a visit which 
Jaeger paid to the hospital to-day. He says it is an 
immense place — everything is large in Italy — and he 
only found there ten or twelve old invalids. The doc- 
tors told him they could not make a living here, the 
hospital being always the most deserted place in the 

E 2 


town, which has nevertheless a population of seventeen 
thousand souls. 

By comparing the country towns of Italy with those 
of any other country one is able to form an idea of the 
intrinsic value of these places. Perugia is what Iglau 
is with us — a country town about fifty leagues from the 
capital. Here there are ten palaces, each of them 
larger than the old Liechtenstein palace. I occupy one 
which is certainly more than twice the size. These 
palaces are full of old but beautiful furniture. There 
are also splendid pictures, and a great number of 
marbles. The palace which the Emperor occupies 
would be the most beautiful house in Vienna. The 
proprietor is a young man who has married a sister of 
Prince Odescalchi, and he refurnished it three years ago, 
at the time of his marriage. 

There are two theatres at Perugia going on at the 
same time ; an opera house as large as that of the 
Kilrntnerthor, and one for comedy as large as the 
Wieden ; three large churches, magnificent, of wliich 
two are painted entirely in fresco by the best masters, 
among others Pietro Perugino, Eaphael's master ; a 
university in a magnificent situation, and an academy of 
fine arts better appointed than that of Vienna. 

In all these places, which are full of idlers, there are 
singers who would give great pleasure at Vienna, bad 
comedians playing detestable pieces, a crowd of mendi- 
cants too lazy to gather the fruits which fall into their 
mouths and the vegetables on which they walk. After 
all, out of a hundred of these sluggards, eighty of them 
are clever, and often not one who would be unbearably 
tiresome. There is not one who has not all the appear- 
ance of poverty, yet nevertheless has his purse well 
furnished. • 


I do not believe that any two countries can be less 
alike than Germany and Italy, and yet our wiseacres at 
Vienna wish, cost what it may, to make Italians of the 
Germans. Theii' plan will succeed marvellously ! 

Mettei'nich to his daughter Marie, Perugia, June 22. 

326. So you are at Trieste, my dear Marie ! — 
and I am at Perugia — ^just as you left me. 

.... We had the Cardinal here for two days. 
He shed tears on hearing you were gone. The last 
battle I had with him was about an armchair, which he 
never liked to sit upon, because at my writing-table I 
had only a common chair. Now, there were at first 
none but grand yellow armchairs in my room, and, as 
they are too high, I had had an old chair brought from 
the antechamber for my writing-table. The dispute was 
settled by the Cardinal marching off to the antechamber 
to find a similar chair for himself, but he did not allow 
-me to accompany him. 

When he left he again embraced Giroux, who gave 
me an account of this second embrace with tears in his 
eyes. ' That Abbe is a very good man,' said Giroux to 
me ; ' but I do not know why he loves me so much. 
He patted me on the back, and then embracing me 
said, " Good bye, old man ; if ever you need anything 
write to me, or to our mutual friend, my old valet." 
He is a good man, is that Abbe.' 1 remarked that his 
friend was not an Abbe, but a Cardinal. ' Well ! how 
the devil should I know ? Abbe or Cardinal ! the first 
are black, and the second are red ; what does it matter 
to me ? ' 



Extracts from Metternich's private Letters to his Family, from 
July 4 to September 1, 1819. 

327. Plan of the journey. 328. Postponement of the journey of the Em- 
peror Francis to Milan. 329. From Verona — difference of climate. 330. 
From Innspruck. 331. From Carlsbad. 332. From Teplitz — reminia- 
cences of the year 1813. 333. Walks with Adam Miiller. 334. End of 
the Carlsbad Conferences. 

Metternich to his Wife, Florence, July 4, 1819. 

327. I have made my plan to-day, my dear. 

I intend to leave here next Saturday, July 10. I shall 
be at Bologna on the 11th, at Verona on the 12th, at 
Trente on the 13th, at Brixen on the 14th, at Inns- 
pruck on the 15th, at Munich on the 16th, at Ratis- 
bonne on the 17th, between Eatisbonne and Carlsbad 
on the 18th. 

The Emperor will arrive here on the 7th. It is 
possible that my departure may be delayed for one or 
two days ; you see that, even in this case, I shall be at 
Carlsbad on the 20th or 21st, at the latest. 

328. July 9. — . . . The Emperor is right to 
postpone his journey to Milan. The season is over for 
a tour in Italy, and instead of being grilled for fifteen 
days in Lombardy,* he will return there one day to 

 In a communication from Metternich to the Emperor Francis, from 
Verona, dated July 14, 1819, Metternich writes, after a consultation with 
Bubna, in these terms : — ' Bubna agrees with me as to the resolution your 
Majesty has taken to postpone your visit to Milan. Better no visit at all 
than one of only a fortnight.' — Ed. 

VERONA. 247 

spend two or three months in a manner more useful, 
and also more cool. I declare that Carlsbad is a real 
sacrifice for me, as the Emperor is going to Vienna. 
Nevertheless, I ought to go, for so many people are ex- 
pecting me there that it would be doing a very bad turn 
to these poor travellers to leave them all in the lurch. 
The affairs which I have to arrange there are, besides, so 
important that I suppress my regrets by the feeling of 
duty. I declare, however, frankly, that Carlsbad is 
insupportable to me. 

329. Verona, July 14. — I arrived here yesterday 
about eleven o'clock in the morning, my dear, after 
having suffered tolerably from the heat. 

I left Florence on the 11th, at nine o'clock in the 
evening. I went as far as Bologna in one stage, where, 
of course, a cardinal met me with all sorts of music, a 
grand dinner, &c. I went to bed in the midst of the 
fanfares, and slept six hours as if it were night. I left 
Bologna at seven o'clock in the evening, and made my 
triumphal entry into Verona yesterday, the loth, at ten 
o'clock in the morning. When I get back to Austria 
there will be a truce to trumpets and cymbals. I shall 
leave this evening, and go in one stage as far as Brixen, 
where I shall sleep to-morrow, and on the 16th I shall 
be at Innspruck. 

The difference of climate is very striking from 
Salerno to the foot of the Alps. Tuscany is the 
hottest without being the most southerly for vege- 
tation. Different plants mark the different regions : 
aloes and cacti are found as far as Terracina, myrtles 
and orange-trees as far as Narni, olives and pome- 
granates as far as the highest chain of the Apennines, 
which separates Tuscany from the Legations. From 
the northern declivity of these mountains the climate is 


much the same as with us. The mulberries alone show 
a difference of climate, although they do very well with 
us. The sky loses its brightness ; the Alps are covered 
with thick clouds ; and the atmosphere is slightly 

330. Innspruck, July 16. — I wish to let you know, 
my dear, that I am in Germany. I made a good and 
rapid journey from Verona here, but my cava patrid 
has received me badly. I arrived at Innspruck twenty- 
four hours after the snow. The cold here makes one 
shiver, especially a man who comes from the Cape of 
Policastro. I hope Carlsbad will treat me better ; I 
shall at any rate find hot water there. I, who, scarcely six 
days ago, drank a large glass of iced orangeade every night 
before going to bed, will this evening drink hot punch 
to prevent myself freezing. No more orange-trees, but 
firs ; no more magnolias in blossom, but elders ; no more 
grapes, but strawberries beginning to redden. I saw the 
harvest at Naples two months ago, and I have just passed 
through fifty leagues of country where, in the best can- 
tons the fields are just beginning to turn yellow, and 
where, in the colder places, the summer crops are still in 
blade. I come from the Cenerentola, and have just 
left Hanns Dachel. High mountains are most beautiful, 
but I like to see them ; we shall be on the level at 
Innspruck, but that will make no difference to the view, 
there is so much fog. 

331. Carlsbad, July 26. — I did not write to you by 
the first courier whom I sent from here, for I could not 
find a moment to do so. 

I leave to-morrow for Tephtz, where I shall spend 
three whole days. The present moment is one of life 
or death. It appears that Teplitz is a place destined for 


my great operations.* By the help of God, I hope to 
defeat the German Eevolution, even as I have van- 
quished the conqueror of the world. The German re- 
volutionists thought me far away, because I was a 
hundred leagues off. They have deceived themselves ; 
I am in the midst of them, and I will now deal out my 
blows. You will observe a singular coincidence be- 
tween the discoveries and arrests in Prussia and Ger- 
many and my passage of the Alps. I suppose this will 
be seen at last when it is known that all Germany is 
assembled round me. Count Mlinster is here ; Eech- 
berg, Wintzingerode, Berstett, Baron de Marschall 
(acting minister of Nassau), and Bernstorff (the Prussian), 
will be here before August 1. We sliall do a great 
work. Will it be a good one.^ God will decide. 
It will be great, for on it will depend the welfare or the 
definite destruction of social order. This is between 

332. Teplitz, July 27. — My dear, I am writing to 
you in the same room, and on the same table, where I 
signed the Quadruple Alliance six years ago. It is just 
about the same time of year. Everything has changed 
since then, except myself. 

I have not revisited this place since 1813. It has 
been a long road to get here again. What events have 
happened since the day of my arrival here in that year 
of grace ! Seated at the same desk, thinking over all 
which then occupied my mind, bringing before my 
mind's eye what existed then, and what exists no longer, 
I cannot resist a slight sensation of vanity, and an im- 
mense feeling of contentment and satisfaction. But if I 
think over what is, if I compare it with what ought to 

* See Metternicbs interview with King Frederick William III. iu 
Teplitz, No. 351. 


be, and with that which so easily might have been, I 
deplore the fate of the world, ever given up to the 
gravest errors, and to great faults committed in conse- 
quence of petty calculations and great illusions. My 
mind conceives nothing narrow or limited ; I always go, 
on every side, far beyond all that occupies the greater 
number of men of business ; I cover ground infinitely 
larger than they can see or wish to see. I cannot help 
saying to myself twenty times a day : ' Good God, how 
right I am, and how wrong they are ! And how easy 
this reason is to see — it is so clear, so simple, and so 
natural ! ' I shall repeat this till my last breath, and 
the world will go on in its own miserable way none the 

Eeason and justice can only be departed from by 
paths covered with blood and tears. To hear people 
talk one would think they were giants ; follow them, 
and you soon perceive that you have only to do with 
phantoms. The one giant produced by the eighteenth 
century is no longer of this world ; all that moves that 
world at present, is of a miserable character. It is very 
difficult to play well with bad or indifferent actors. 

333. Carlsbad, August 22. — I have brought here, 
for my own private pleasure, a man of more mind and 
knowledge than almost anyone in the world. A certain 
Adam Muller— not the prophet, but the Austrian Consul- 
General at Leipzig. When my head is worried with 
business, I make him come ; he accompanies me to the 
Posthof, and beyond, and I talk with him without rhyme 
or reason. This morning he proved to me that he is the 
most learned man in the world about clouds. He thinks 
that he knows as much as I know little about them 
He says there are two kinds of clouds, male and female : 
that separated, they produce nothing, absolutely nothing, 


like a monastery of Capuchins separated from a convent 
of nuns. These clouds end by meeting : they are ex- 
cited, they marry, and behold rain, thunder, and all the 
noise in the world. 

At the first rain, say to your neighbour that two 
loving clouds have just been made happy ; you will 
seem to have said sometiiing foohsh, but this is true 
physics, and even philosophy. 

334. September 1. — Here I am, thank God, de- 
livered of my great work.* The labour passed off 
happily, and the child has come into this world. I 
have every reason to be satisfied with the result, and I 
ought to be, for all I wished has come to pass. Heaven 
will protect an enterpiise so great and so worthy of its 
support, for it concerns the safety of the world. What 
thirty years of revolution could not .produce has been 
brought about by our three weeks' labour at Carlsbad. 
It is the first time that a number of measures have 
appeared together so anti-revolutionary, so just, and so 
peremptory. What I have wished for since 1813, but 
what that terrible Emperor Alexander has always 
prevented, I have accomplished, because he was not 
there. I have at last been able to follow out my own 
thoughts, and publicly declare all my principles, sus- 
tained as I am by thirty milhons of men — or rather fifty, 
if we count all the Austrians not Germans. Now the 
great thing is to carry them out well, and I believe they 
will be well carried out. 

My colleagues have addressed such thanks to me 
as I believe no Minister has ever received. f Victor was 
so touched that he carried away the letter to copy for 

• See Results of the Carlsbad Conference, No. 353. — Ed. 
t See Letters of Thanks iu No. 355. — Ed. 


you, and he tells me lie sent it to you yesterday. Make 
no use of it, however, except to read it. 

One thing is certain, that there never was seen 
more exemplary agreement and submission than in our 
conferences. If the Emperor doubts his being Em- 
peror of Germany, he deceives himself greatly. 

A curious fact is that the worst German Jacobins 
have not dared to attack me. That which they have 
not done they will soon not be able to do. I have 
shown, moreover, that the best means of attacking an 
evil is to attack it in front. This is true of pohtical 
blows as well as those of a cudgel. The dead shout no 
longer, and among the living I shall have many to shout 
in favour of my theories. It will yet take fifteen days, 
however, before the shell explodes at Frankfurt. 

I shall leave to-morrow for Konigswart, where I 
shall remain five or six days. From thence I shall go 
direct to Vienna. I intend to arrive there from the 
10th to the 12th. You will be informed of my arrival 
at least twenty-four hours beforehand. 



Correspondence between Metternich and Gentz, April 1 to July 1, 1819. 

Gentz to 3fetternirh, Vienna, April 1, 1819. 

335. Your Excellency will, in all probability, have 
heard from Mannheim the dreadful occurrence which 
has taken place there more quickly than by letters 
from this place. We learnt the news early yesterday 
through the ' Allgemeine Zeitung ' and by despatches 
from Carlsruhe addressed to Tettenborn, of Avhich I 
enclose copies * (Nos. 336-337). 

The thing is dreadful enough in itself, but its origin 
and evident connection with the great maladies and 
dangers of the time elevate it in the eyes of those 
accustomed to take a large and comprehensive view of 
things to a still higher degree of horror and terror. 
When we lifted the first warning voice against the 
excesses at the Wartburg our mouths were stopped 
with allusions to ' the innocent, virtuous efforts of 
German youth ' and their ' meritorious teachers ; ' and 
this is what they have come to ! 

Your Excellency will have already followed up the 
whole history of this widespread malady with such 
assiduous attention, and appreciated it witli so much 
intelligence and wisdom, that it would be quite super- 

* * I looked these through yesterday in haste : I now remark that only 
one of the papers deserves the name of a despatch, the other is a letter from 
Varuhagen, which I send with it.' — Note by Gentz. 


fliioiis here to attempt to follow out the past, which no 
longer belongs to iis. Empty lamentations lead to 
nothing, and all personal considerations must be silenced 
when such important concerns are in question. The 
greatest catastrophes in the moral as in the physical 
world may be, not, indeed, for those who fall under 
them, but for others, useful and even beneficial, if 
results are brought about and measures accelerated 
which would have been much longer iti cominsr into 
operation, or would, perhaps, never have done so. 

The practical reflections which this last outrage 
have produced in me are roughly as follows : — 

1. The hatred of the revolutionary rabble against 
Kotzebue was of long standing, had many causes, and 
was fostered with a devilish art. But I am quite con- 
vinced that the attempt on his life was caused princi- 
pally — indeed, exclusively — by the delusion that he 
excited the Emperor Alexander against popular writers 
and the universities, and made him averse to liberal 
ideas. It is well known how much the whole party 
had formerly reckoned on the support of that monarch ; 
and that his apostacy was a frightful blow to them was 
sufficiently evident. The consequence of the senseless 
challenge to Stourdza, which seemed to make an end 
of all uncertainty, had brought the party quite to 
despair. Actuated in turn by rage and by fear, it 
sank into a state of frenzy, from which sprang this 
crime. Then, too, Kotzebue was murdered because 
these madmen in their delusion believed that he had 
caused the desertion of a protector from whom they 
had the greatest expectations. This view will hardly 
escape the Emperor of Paissia. He is personally in- 
sulted by this crime against a Eussian Staatsrath, as 
well as by former proceedings against another. His 


attitude at the time of the Wartburg excesses, his 
utterances on every opportunity since that time, the 
principles and dispositions which he displayed at Aix- 
la-Chapelle, all lead us to expect that he will take 
this matter in the most serious light. I do not wish 
the explosion to be too violent or too loud, because it 
might be embarrassing to us in many ways. But I 
should consider it a happy thing if he took this oppor- 
tunity to declare without reserve his own way of 
thinking, seeing, and feeling, and then endeavoured to 
act upon Prussia, Bavaria, and Germany with prudence 
and moderation, but yet in a very determined manner — 
a manner calculated to put an end to all indecision and 

2. I hope that through this dreadful occurrence and 
the consequences which must inevitably follow it, we 
shall for some years escape the debates on the freedom of 
the press in Germany. For I can hardly believe that 
any State of the Bund would be shameless enough 
now to expect the carrying out of the freedom of the 
press by those Governments who have not hitherto 
sanctioned it. And it is my firm conviction that 
Austria must seize the first occasion when such a word 
is uttered in the Bundestag to declare emphatically that 
she considers the article of the Bund (an article never 
to be pardoned) that speaks or dreams of uniform 
arrano-ements in this matter — which concerns the duties 
and rights of supremacy and sovereignty — once and for 
all impracticable and abolished, and will take no part 
in any discussion regarding it. 

3. The necessity of taking some steps with regard to 
the condition of the German universities will now be 
more evident than ever. We are, indeed — this I feel 
only too strongly — still not one step nearer the solution 


of this difficult problem ; but yet we have gained so 
much that no one can now stigmatise discussions on 
this point as high -treason against Germany. But it is 
my most earnest desire that on this important matter 
nothing may be brought before the Bundestag, nothing 
publicly said or written by authority (the lampooners 
may write what they like), before the first German 
Courts (I mean only Austria, Bavaria, Saxony, and 
Hanover, to the exclusion of all others) have arrived 
at a decided and mutually binding understanding on 
the measures to be adopted. This will cost much time 
and trouble, but the effect of the last blow will not pass 
away in six months, and Kotzebue's blood will cry for 
vengeance somewhat longer than to-day and to-morrow. 
The result is no slight matter, and it is not to be arrived 
at in one or two conferences. But the greatest evil of 
all would be hasty, undigested, feeble measures, which 
must inevitably lead to mischief. It is a misfortune 
that, for reasons known to your Excellency, we cannot 
in this matter claim the first and leading part ; but this 
cannot prevent us from being active and useful. 

The murder has created no very great sensation 
here. The only man, to my knowledge, who has 
spoken out well and strongly about it, is Count Sedl- 
nizky, who understands somewhat better than most 
people what we have to expect. 

Some matters have very much vexed and oppressed 
me. Anions' the latter I do not count the rude and 
unseemly speeches of Baron d'Aspre, because I have 
never expected anything better from him, but they 
annoy me because you bestow on this man favour 
which is envied by many who are more modest. I am 
very sorry that he is going to Italy ; for he will talk 
very foolishly about matters there too, and unless your 


Excellency keeps a strong hand over him he will com- 
promise you frightfully. 

This letter will probably go by Caesar. Lawrence, 
who wished to leave three days ago, still remains, and 
therefore cannot now be in Eome by Easter. The trees 
begin to come out, but a green Easter it cannot possibly 

Freiherr von Berstett, Minister from Baden, to Freihe7'r 
von Tettenborn, Ambassador from Baden to Vienna. 

(Enclosed in No. 335.) 

336. Your Excellency will be no less dismayed 
than we all are at the following very sad news. 

(Extract from the Directorial Report of the Neckar Circle, 

March 23, 1819.) 

'Yesterday evening at five o'clock the Eussian 
Staatsrath von Kotzebue was mortally wounded in his 
own house. Stabbed in several places with a poniard, he 
died of his wounds after giving his evidence. The 
assassin — a man to all appearance about four-and- 
twenty years of age — hurried out of the house after 
acomplishing the deed, and in the street, in front of the 
house door, he stabbed himself in the breast. At the 
present moment he is still ahve, but whether he is still 
conscious is not known with certainty. From papers found 
in his coat pocket it appears that he is a student in the 
university, named Carl Friedrich Sand, and was 
studiosus theologian. At the tavern, where, according to 
the landlord's account, he had arrived that morning 
alone, he had given the name of Heinrichs, a student 
from Erlangcn. From some documents found upon 
him it is evident that he had long premeditated this 
crime, and devoted himself to death. He seems to 



have bound himself to this, which makes the crime the 
more horrible. We expect in the morning still more 
exact circumstantial evidence, which we shall not fail to 
forward as soon as possible.' 

The paper found on the murderer was also sent, 
and was a proclamation to the Germans, of extraor- 
dinary form, calling upon everyone to arm, and con- 
taining a number of extravagant and enthusiastic ideas 
which betokened revolutionary frenzy. The Grand 
Duke has given orders that the strictest investigation 
should be made, to find out all traces connected with it, 
in order that these dangerous and fantastic disorders 
may be checked by some comprehensive measures. Your 
Excellency is implored to use every effort to bring 
forward all matters connected with this insane con- 
spiracy of heated fantasies, which thinks to find 
Germany's welfare in criminal acts ; and, above all, to 
endeavour to bring about that people should seriously 
consider and comprehend the general measures the 
necessity for which this frightful event only too loudly 
proclaims. His Eoyal Highness is much grieved that 
this horrible deed — although an isolated act, as it cer- 
tainly seems, and performed by a student from a foreign 
university — has taken place in your country. I earnestly 
beg of you to let me know as quickly as possible all that 
you hear on this matter. 

Varnhagen von Ense to Tettenborn, CarUruhe, 
March 24, 1819. 

(Enclosed in No. 335.) 

337. I hasten to give your Excellency the full 
particulars of the dreadful occurrence in Mannheim, 
which has this day filled everyone herewith horror and 


dismay ! A yoimg man, who had called yesterday 
morning to speak to Herr von Kotzebue, was told to 
return in the afternoon about five o'clock. Kotzebue re- 
ceived him in a sitting-room and talked with him some 
time, but the man, approaching to give him a paper, 
pulled out a dagger, and almost in a moment the un- 
fortunate man fell, and in a few minutes breathed his 
last. The noise summoned a servant, who found his 
master on the floor and the murderer brandishing the 
dagger and crying ' Does anyone else here wish to 
die ? ' Threatening in this way, he accomplished his 
exit, ran frantically up the steps, and fell on his knees 
at the house door ; and while he joyfully thanked God 
for the success of his great work, he stabbed himself 
twice, making himself unconscious, which, however, did 
not last, and although he still lives he is very weak, for 
he wounded himself most seriously. This deed, said a 
paper found by his side, he had done for (pretended) 
love of Fatherland and freedom, with full consciousness 
and after long premeditation : he called upon the hu- 
miliated German people to a courageous rising, to the 
slaying of all the evil-disposed, to the perfecting of the 
Reformation, to the union of Church and State, he 
wished his example to be followed, &c. &c. — all in a 
fantastic, ranting style, foolish enough, but not mad. 
Another paper found near him contained the words : 
' Sentence of death against August von Kotzebue, ex- 
ecuted March 23, at half-past five in the afternoon, 
according to the decree of the University of . . .' This 
statement leads to the supposition that there is some 
conspiracy and fraternity, which fills all hearts with 
horror and fear. What can be done against a man who 
kills himself.^ Shall the Order of the Assassins be re- 
produced in the West.^ With us, in Germany, the 



tiling will make a frightful impression ! The murderer 
is a studiosus theologioe from Erlangen, about four-and- 
twenty years old, named Carl Friedrich Sand ; no one 
knows his birthplace, but he is supposed to be from 
Courland or Anspach. 

The Grand Duke is very much shocked by this 
event : he will have it dealt with carefully as a matter 
of interest to all Governments. But I fear that all in- 
vestigation will be fruitless. 

The Eussian Emperor will be beside himself; but 
what can he do, with all his power ? To whom will he 
turn ? All ministers and councillors will believe them- 
selves threatened. I would not be Herr von Stourdza 
just now, nor, indeed, many others ! I am so affected 
that I could eat nothing this morning, and poor Eachel 
is beside herself with tears and hysterics. Certainly it 
is a dreadful affair. With great respect, I am, your 
Excellency, &c., &c., 

Varnhagen von Ense. 

Metternich to Gentz^ Rome, April 9, 1819. 

338. I have received the news of Kotzebue's assas- 
sination, wdth all the preliminary details. It remains to 
be seen whether the Grand Duke of Baden has strength 
enough to follow up the investigation, and, if he has this, 
whether he has people in his courts of justice who will 
conduct them fairly. Things are at the present time so 
that no definite idea can be formed beforehand about 

I have, for my part, no doubt that the murderer 
did not act simply from motives of his own, but in con- 
sequence of a secret league. Here we find great evil 
and some good, for poor Kotzebue now appears as an 
argumentum ad hominem which even the hberal Duke 


of Weimar cannot defend. It will be my care to draw 
from the affair the best possible results, and in this en- 
deavour I shall not be found lukewarm. 

It appears to be quite certain that the assassin was 
an emissary of Behme of Jena. The university which 
was to carry out tlie plan may have been chosen by 
lot, and which of the fraternity was to follow up the 
deed by the sacrifice of his own life may also have been 
chosen by lot ; and there is no doubt that it was fol- 
lowed out. Many data go to establish this view. 

We shall now very soon see what the Emperor of 
Eussia will say to the loving treatment of his Staatsrdth 
in Germany. 

While in Germany Eussian agents fro-pter ohscura- 
tionem are murdered, in Italy the Eussian agents pre- 
side over the clubs of the Carbonari. This abomination 
will soon be checked. 

Our residence here has already had very happy 
results. The Emperor will, as it seems, be loaded by 
the Holy Father with honours and all marks of respect. 
His attitude and manner are excellent : the public, who 
received the Emperor with true delight, begin to adore 
him personally. All the foolish reports spread abroad 
by the many who like activity of that sort before our 
arrival have disappeared, and people begin to see that 
here, as at Aix-la-Chapelle, we alone have not lied with 
respect to the object of the journey. 

I beg of you to mention these assertions, wliich rest 
on simple fact, in Vienna, and to contradict all rumours 
to the contrary. Especially you may assure people 
that the Emperor will not bring one single Jesuit back 
to Vienna — which wiU not much deliijlit the Penkler 

• Of the ' Penkler Society ' were several men who were intimate with 


Eome is very different from the picture I had made 
for myself of the place. I thouglit Eome would be 
ruinous and sombre. Instead of this it is splendid and 
chi^^erful. Everything which shows the grandeur of 
antiquity is here united with the grandeur of the middle 
ages. The new has two sides. The two last Popes — i. e. 
Pius YI. and Pius VII. — have done more for art than 
all their predecessors in the way of discovery of the old. 
Consequently it is impossible to imagine the splendour 
of the galleries of the Vatican. Think of twenty gal- 
leries like the one Musee du Louvre^ and you will still 
be far from the truth as to the situation and collections 
of the Vatican of the present day. This wealth of 
treasure far exceeds the idea I had formed. The Papal 
residence, the Papal Court, is the most gorgeous that 
worldly power can produce. Tlie spiritual grandeur I 
have hardly yet discovered. This remark applies even 
to St. Peter's. To my mind it is the most magnificent 
of churches for splendour and size, but the least spiri- 
tual in the world. Me, at least, it can never invite to 

What impression it makes on Schlegel I do not 
know, for he finds the Papal cook so excellent that he 
has hardly any time left to see anything. 

The remains of antiquity are also far beyond every 
imagination. All other buildings in the world, in extent, 
massiveness, and perfection, are nothing compared with 

the wiiter of this letter, as well as the person to whom it was addressed — 
Buch as Adam Mii'^er, Friedrich von Schlegel, Zacharia Werner, Josef 
Anton Pilat, and Friedrich von Klinkowstrom. Besides these there were 
also Zangerle and Ziegler (afterwards bishops), Professor Ackerman, Dom- 
herr Schmidt, Stift, Dr. Johann Emmanuel Veith, and others. AtKnity of 
sentiments, and similar aims in a strong Catholic direction, united all these 
men in a circle, the centre of which was P. Clemens Maria Hofbauer. The 
hospitable bouse of Ilerr von Penkler was open for their social meetings: 
hence the name of the society. — Ed. 

ROME. 263 

the remains of ancient Rome. The Palace of the 
Ca3sars, which covered the whole Monte Palatino (the 
whole of the original city of Rome), a palace as large 
as the city of Vienna within its walls ; the Cohseum, 
in which 80,000 men could be comfortably seated ; 
the Baths of Caracalla, in wdiich 3,000 could bathe in 
separate rooms, where there are only marble baths, each 
as large as the ladies' baths at Baden ; the remains 
of all these places, in separate fragments each as large 
as ever a new palace, are mostly covered with luxu- 
riant vegetation. This all makes a sight of which one 
can form not the least idea, let one have seen what one 
may all the world over. Rome remains to-day among 
the cities of the old and the new world like Chimborazo 
among the mountains. 

And all this splendour lies in a plain of the most 
glorious soil in the world ! In the neiglibourhood of 
Rome — the so-called Campagna di Roma — is contained 
the hardest problem to be solved in the present day. 
How can this, under any supposition whatever, be once 
more brought under cultivation ? 

Canals must be dug, trees planted, fields ploughed, 
and houses built. About five years ago a cardinal, 
born in the Legations, attempted to settle a colony of 
300 families in the healthiest part of it, and had them 
well supplied with all necessaries. In two years the 
malaria had reduced the colony to twenty persons. In 
the city three quarters are no longer habitable ; so 
that at present the finest palaces, such as the Villa 
Borghese, the Villa Albani, &c., &c., stand empty, for 
to spend one niglit in them is most dangerous. And 
yet close by one of these pest-houses may be one in 
which the air is fine and wholesome. The water is 


Csesar arrived to-day, and your letter of April 1 
tells me that you regard the affair of Kotzebue as I do. 
Your remarks on the immediate motives for it appear 
to me quite correct. But just because they are so they 
show that tliis horrible crime is not the affair of a stu- 
diosus theologicp. Sand was a young student distin- 
guished at the University of Erlangen for quiet, good 
behaviour. In the year 1817 he left Jena, and distin- 
guished himself at the Wartburg. In the year 1818 
he went back to Erlangen, and lectured for the Burschen- 
schaft. He was ravished with the glorious Lehen der 
Freien of Jena and lectured boldly, and then went back 
to Jena. 

I beg of you earnestly to entreat Tettenborn to urge 
his Government to go thoroughly into the investigation, 
and not to allow it to be cut short. 

At the same time I beg of you yourself to revise the 
article which Pilat will have inserted from Eome in the 
' Observer,' so that there may not escape in it any 
capueinades. My constant efforts are directed against 
ultras of all kinds, till at last I, too, shall be stabbed by 
the dagger of some fool. But, if the rascal does not 
come behind me, he will get such a box on the ear as 
he will long remember, even if he hits me. 

Till then farewell, and pray continue to write to me. 

Gentz to Metternich^ Vienna, April 14, 1819. 

339. Enclosed you will ffnd the copy of a letter I 
have last week received from Adam MuUer.* I hear 
that he has wriiten directly to your Excellency, but 
since I have no knowledge of anything which goes 
through tlie Chancery, I do not know whether and how 

• Adam Miiller was then Austrian Consul-General at Leipsic, 


far the letter to me contains facts which are not perhaps 
inckided in the Report to your Excellency. The cir- 
cumstance of the news of the murder having arrived 
earlier in Leipsic seems, on further explanations, not to 
be anything remarkable, for it is a fact that imme- 
diately after the murder a courier was sent from Mann- 
heim to the Academic Senate at Jena, and returned 
there on the 26th. 

I should bewail it as a real calamity if Sand does not 
die of his wounds. His preservation can do no good, 
and may do much harm. I do not believe, as I have 
already said, that any further statement of his will be 
of the least value. A conspiracy properly so called 
certainly will not come out, and the men whom it would 
be of the greatest importance to convict would not be 
caught. We should be in no Avay benefited by the 
misfortune which the complicity of other young men 
would have brought upon this, and perhaps many other 
honest families. On the contrary, it is hardly possible 
to imagine what may happen if Sand lives. If the stern 
course of the law is stopped, or it is delayed in the 
course of its processes (as I have many reasons for 
thinking possible, and, indeed, quite certainly foresee), 
all the good effect which might be produced by so sad 
an event will be lost. If the matter is taken up in 
earnest, and the criminal punished with the whole 
force of the criminal law, it cannot but be, with the 
present general feeUng, that thousands and thousands, 
excited by a romantic enthusiasm for him, will fancy 
him a hero, a martyr to the good cause, a victim of 
obscurantism, and become ten times more violent and 
culpable than they already are. For these reasons I 
shall thank God very heartily if His hand cuts the knot. 

For the rest, all German papers watch like blood- 


hounds for the first word of the ' Observer,' on this 
unhappy history. But my conviction is decided and 
immovable that the ' Observer ' must keep silence. No 
one can doubt our feeling on the matter. We spoke 
when everyone else was silent. Our articles on the 
excesses at the Wartburg, which are not forgotten, con- 
tain everything which can be said on the late event, 
which is a natural consequence of what before hap- 
pened. Just because it would be so easy for us at 
present to swagger with our warnings and wise sayings, 
it is more noble and dignified to relinquish this easy 
business, which has already been partly assumed for us 
by others. Besides, our silence will be more imposing 
to these miscreants than the most persuasive article. 
They will undoubtedly believe that there is some secret 
behind — that we will not speak because we are deter- 
mined to act. And this — I will answer for it to your 
Excellency with life and limb — will terrify them much 
more than the most threatening words. 

Now as to the action required : I do not see any ne- 
cessity for your Excellency's return to Germany. The 
condition of the German universities is an illness which 
calls for a particular consultation of the physicians, to 
conduct which, time and a conjunction or concurrence 
of fVivourable circumstances is required. As soon as 
I am made in some measure acquainted with your Ex- 
cellency's views on this important and critical affair, 
I will endeavour to explain to you my ideas on the 
form of the negotiation itself. I see plainly that the 
Bundestag must join in it ; but if the Bundestag is 
left to take the initiative and conduct the business, 
without a firm, systematic course being agreed upon 
beforehand, I am quite certain that no good result will 
be attained. 


Muller to Gentz, Leipsic, April 3, 1819. 

(Enclosed in No. 339.) 

340. • . . With regard to the Kotzebue history, 
I beg you not to be led by the Berhn newspapers to 
beheve that Varnhagen is the author of that despatch. 

In order to see that the coup comes from Jena, I beg 
you to remark the following circumstances : — 

The murder took place on the evening of the 23rd 
and was known in Frankfurt on the 25tli. The news 
would, in the ordinary way, only have reached Leipsic 
by the first Frankfurt post on the 29t]i. Instead of this, 
it had already arrived on the 27th, through two Jena 
students, and that by the roundabout way by Jena. 
On Saturday the 28tli, the President of Police and 
the Eector of the University betook themselves to these 
two students to learn the details, for no courier or other 
n^ws had arrived. It is also not to be denied that the 
murderer was known as a fanatical adherent of Professor 
Luden in Jena, and there studied anatomy for his pur- 
pose for a fortnight ; also, that immediately after the 
reception of the news of the success of the attempt, the 
Burschenschaft evidently broke up and constituted them- 
selves into several fictitious associations of AUeraanns, 
Markomanns, Suavians, Vandals, and so on : while on 
March 23 a portrait of Kotzebue, with a dead bat fast- 
ened beneath it, was to be seen on the black board at 

Further, do not imagine that this is to be con- 
sidered merely as one dreadful specimen of the kmd, 
and that the murderous band wiU allow themselves to 
be intimidated by a few measures, and tliose half-mea- 
sures such as the present Government can take. Tlie 


confusion of ideas, and the firmness in an evil direction, 
are far greater than you can imagine. 

Here, in tliis quiet place, you may hear Sand publicly 
called a Scsevola. The only satisfaction is that the Grand 
Duke of Weimar. Krug, and such hke people, are greatly 
embarrassed. . . . 

Gentz to Metternicli, Vienna^ April 23, 1819. 
(Answer to No, 338.) 

341. Your Excellency's kind letter of the 0th inst. 
has delighted and relieved me, and I thank you heartily 
that, surrounded as you are by so many interesting 
objects, which certainly claim all your time, you were 
able to send me so much interesting information. 

Tlie reasons which your Excellency points out for 
attributing the assassination of Kotzebue to a regular, 
perhaps wide-spread, plot, have certainly some weight, 
and I wish that nothing may be omitted which can 
serve to clear up tliis point. But still I do not give up 
my opinion about it. The most important points on 
which it depends we have long discovered antl known. 
That our academic youth have arrived at this degree of 
criminal madness is known to us, and we need no further 
explanation about it. We must act on the root of the 
evil ; the ramifications are unimportant affairs, and can 
at most lighten the labour of the arm which must lay the 
axe to the wild stem itself — its true strength must be 
in itself. 

Your Excellency will notice what trouble the news- 
paper writers are taking to describe Sand as a highly- 
interesting youth. They may be right for what I know. 
I myself do not believe that Sand was a mere miscreant ; 
but all the worse for those who could push on a spirit 


good and noble in itself, to go beyond the worst of cri- 
minals ! The real culprits are, and will ever be, Fries, 
Luden, Oken, Kieser, and others of the same kind, of 
whom the universities must be purified at any price 
before any reformatory measures can have the slightest 

Metternich to Geiitz, Borne, April 23, 1819. 

342, I have now given the necessary instructions 
to Count Buol with regard to the regulation of the 
affairs of the German universities. The last proposal of 
the Duke of Weimar appeared to me a good ground to 
act upon, and if you will look at my instructions, I 
hope for your approval. I have used really liberal 
words to set a limit to ultra-hberalism, and it belongs 
to my fortune — to which you have so often contri- 
buted — that I can raise my edifice on the soil of Weimar 
and ornament it with the example of the worthy Sand, 
at the cost of poor Kotzebue. For your comfort let 
me tell you that no Spiegelish * work has gone to 
Frankfurt, that not one Spietjelish idea obtains with 
me, and that ' Christ ' f whom I have found here, thinks 
my proposals practical, and highly approves of them. 

It is one of the strange facts of my life that here in 
Eome I have been called to work for hours toccether 
about the German universities, and from all the Cabinets 
of Germany letters have arrived containing the most 
urgent requests that I would make an end of the dis- 
order wliich each German prince provoked and en- 
couraged in his own country, and is now no longer able 
to restrain. An example of the kind must really be 

* Count Spiepel was Ilofrath at the Chancellery, and entrusted -with 
the Report on German affairs. — Ed. 

t The identity of this person, then in Rome, cannot he ascertained. — Ed, 


sufficient to excite in every sensible man the greatest 
contempt for the character of many of these Go- 

My people are so overwhelmed with work that I do 
not know whether I sliall be able to send you a copy 
of my ostensible and of my secret instructions to Count 
Buol by the present courier : in any case you shall 
have them by the next ; but, without waiting for them, 
let notliing hinder you from letting me know your 

My proposals are confined to the discipline of the 
universities, and do not at all touch the studies them- 
selves—two questions which are very closely related, 
but yet in the present discussion necessarily separated. 
If we meddle with tlie latter, nothing at all will be done, 
and a letter from Mliller sufficiently points this out to 
me, in which in speaking of this affair he observes 
' that the disorder in the universities proceeds from the 
Eeformation and that it can only be really set right by 
the recall of the Eeformation.' I deny neither the as- 
sertion nor its justice. But here on the Quirinal I 
cannot meddle with Dr. Martin Luther, and I hope that 
nevertheless some good will come of it without even 
touching its source— Protestantism. The last very ex- 
cellent letter of Muller's reminded me involuntarily of 
Golowkin's proposition for the investigation of ' Causes 
primitives de la revolution franqaise.' 

Our stay in Eome is coming to an end. It has been 
as splendid as safe and useful. The Emperor is greatly 
pleased with the Pope : not only that no single dangerous 
points happened to be mentioned by the latter, but the 
Emperor (whose principles in canonical respects are 
unquestionable) said to me yesterday, on leaving his 
Hohness after a visit of two hours, ' that he was sorry 

ROME. 271 

the Pope could not be his own first archbishop, for he 
would certainly never find one better quahfied to oppose 
the exorbitant pretensions of the Eoman Curia.' So 
among other things the Pope assured the Emperor that 
the fundamental defect of the Institution of the Jesuits 
was their pretension of independence of the bishops, an 
assertion contrary to every true idea of ecclesiastical 
discipline, and which could only lead to disorder with- 
out measure ! Our clerical Chateaubriands would, if 
they knew this, certainly be alienated from the poor old 
excellent Pius : wherefore keep this saying by all means 
to yourself, for entre deux the Chateaubriands are much 
dearer to me than the Benjamin Constants and Lan- 
juinais. The sacred via media is only reserved for a 
i few, and since on it truth stands, truth is but little 

My ideas of the splendour of Eome are every day 
surpassed. One sees here of what man at his highest is 
capable ; and if I hate the old Eomans as thorough 
Bonapartists, yet I must give them heartfelt thanks for 
the grandeur which they had strength and sense to leave 
behind them for posterity. 

As a botanist you would find here the greatest 
delight. What glorious plants ! The flowers here bear 
the same relation to ours that Eome as a city bears to 
Vienna. I am bringing a great many with me, and I 
will send you some beautiful seeds. 

Gentz to Metternich, Vien7ia, April 25, 1819. 

343. I must on every opportunity come back to 
the Weimar declaration as among the most important 
documents of our time. One of the chief authors and 
protectors of all the mischief in Germany — eight days 


after a crime that called on him and his ministers for 
vengeance — -was pleased to intimate to the German 
Bund through his ambassador, that ' Freedom of thought 
and teaching must remain at the Universities ; for there, 
in the open conflict of opinions shall truth be found 
by the students ; tliere shall the scholar be preserved 
from devotion to authorities, and there shall he be raised 
(not educated) to independence.' So far have the great 
and mighty of this earth gone that they can swallow 
such childish stuff" ! And not a voice, not a sound, 
raised in the assembly ! And we — oh ! that I too must 
again renew this infaiidum dolorem ! — we must still bear 
the ignominious honour that, shortly before these objec- 
tionable words (the quintessence of all revolutionary 
teaching) from the opening speech at tlie Bundestag, we 
were called to a position, extolled by the criminal prin- 
ciples, not of Freiherr von Hendrich, but of the univer- 
sities, as a proud memorial of German superiority against 
the unrighteous judgment of foreigners. 

As none of the ministers at the Bundestag were 
inspired or vigorous enough there and then to tell 
the Plenipotentiary of the Duke (or, as some one wittily 
called him, the Ober-Burschen) of Weimar the horror 
which such teaching, at such a moment, must call forth, 
I am myself again convinced that the time is not ripe 
for great and comprehensive measures. But for this 
reason I fear more than anything formal and public 
consultations on these important questions. When I 
consider how far one must go back, how deep one must 
cut into the wounded flesh, thoroughly to check the 
evil, it seems to me quite madness to believe that in 
any court like the Bundestag — indeed, even in a congress 
of the first German princes — such harmony, insight, 
courage, and determination (and none of these should 


be wanting) should be found as will secure, not merely 
good, but victorious results. Now, in a malady of so 
evil a character, nothing can be more injurious than 
unsuccessful or half-successful — that is, half-unsuccessful 
— attempts. I am quite convinced that in revolutionary 
times the whole authority may more easily be re-con- 
quered than the half. Half-results are in such crises 
worse even than none. One often sees, too, that when 
the truly efficacious, the decisive, is not attainable, 
wisdom enjoins that the appearance be quietly and 
patiently maintained, of only commanding what is most 
pressing and immediately practicable, while keeping the 
true end of all efforts constantly in view, for by true 
zeal and untiring perseverance the moment will at last 
come when a decisive blow may extricate us from all 

But I understand by half-measures, in the present 
question, everything which attempts a reform of the 
discipline of the university without touching the person- 
ality of the teacher and the students, and without acting 
directly on the spirit which animates the whole institu- 
tion. Such (to my mind) are all attempts to limit or 
remove the academic jurisdiction ; every setting up of 
a police authority foreign to it, be it high or low ; 
every mixture of authority in the systems and methods 
of teaching ; every regulation prohibiting the young 
people from associations, unions, &c., even if public and 
harmless ; and, in fact, every alteration in the material 
organisation of the universities. To pass such measures 
the Bundestag would certainly be competent ; but if at 
last, after a thousand difficulties and oppositions, we 
succeeded, what would be gained ? Those who had 
taken an active part would be decried as enemies of 
academic freedom in Germany, branded, proscribed, 



and outlawed. The rebellious principles (the banish- 
ment of all authority, the independence of individual 
judgment, the free conflict of opinions, and everything 
proclaimed by the Weimar declaration) would still con- 
tinue ; they would soon rise in a different form, stronger 
than before, and mock at all organised laws ; the 
spirit which has seized the university, not weakened or 
even restrained, but rather encouraged by feeble op- 
position, would become only more frightful and mis- 

So long, then, as we are not strong enough to declare 
open war against the principles from which the acade- 
mical as well as other dangers arose, and to treat the 
abuses of the universities as only the necessary com- 
panions of greater disorders, every legislative proceed- 
ino- exclusively directed to the universities will remain 
weak and fruitless : and in this state of things it would 
be v^ser quite to draw away from them and take only 
such provisional steps as without any great alteration of 
the outward form should act simply on the personality 
of the teacher and the students. 

Adam Miiller, who, to my no small satisfaction (for 
his opinion is of weight), without any collusion with me 
indeed, with the fear that I might take it quite other- 
wise considers the matter from the same point of 

view, even protests against all legislative measures and 
proposes two expedients as follows : — 

1. The nomination of a curator for each university 
in the person of a distinguished (N.B. decorated) man 
of the world, if not learned, yet not unacquainted with 
literature, of kindly and pleasant manners, who would 
be answerable for the whole university, and consequently 
must reside in the district. Could not eight or ten 
such men be found in Germany who would undertake 


such an honourable office, the more honourable at 
present because of its difficulties ; and if it required 
sufficient or even handsome salaries, what State expen- 
diture could be more beneficial and honourable than 

2. A purification of the professorial chairs without 
noise or passion, especially by the appointment of 
objectionable professors to other civil positions where 
they can do no harm. The ringleaders are known : 
their number is not large ; if they can be dismissed 
quietly and their places filled with peaceable, refined 
men of learning (as for talent, there is not one in any 
class who could not be replaced by a far better man), 
an extremely important step towards the reform of the 
universities will have been taken. 

These two measures require no formal negotiations, 
they can only be quietly arranged between Prussia, 
Saxony, Hanover, Bavaria, and Baden ; and, in short, 
they would have the blessing of all well-disposed people. 
Jena must be set in order when all the others are ar- 
ranged. The Grand Duke must (as the smallest penalty 
for his former transgressions) from the first be neither 
asked nor admitted to the consultations, least of all, as 
is now the case at Frankfurt, must he take the lead. He 
must agree to what the other Courts decide ; and at the 
worst we will set the Emperor of Russia upon him, or 
put Jena, as a university, under a formal and general 

By these preliminary steps I do not, however, mean 
to set aside the usefulness, or, indeed, the necessity of a 
thorough discussion of the great problem between the 
principal German Governments. But if such a discus- 
sion does take place (and it should be as secret as 
possible), it should above all be considered that questions 

T 2 


concerning the universities should not be handled alone 
— that they should not be separated from the ques- 
tions concerning the freedom of the press or consti- 
tution. How far the latter must be decided I cannot 
here enter upon, as it would lead me too far, but I re- 
serve to myself to make further remarks on that sub- 

My resume would then be : — 

1. At first no common lej^islative negotiation either 
in Frankfurt or elsewhere. 

2. Confidential discussion of the most urgent pre- 
liminary measures with the exception of all those 
that touch on the material organisation of the univer- 

3. Conferences between delegates of the principal 
German Courts, in which everything relating to the 
universities, the freedom of the press, and even the 
arrangement of the statutes, should be as far as possible 
thoroughly discussed. If these conferences had no 
other result, they would certainly be a most valuable 
means of mutual understanding, explanation, and in- 

In this plan no part is assigned to the Frankfurt 
Gremium. Since I positively know of nothing useful 
which these gentlemen could undertake, but much more 
probably foresee from their proceedings in Frankfurt in- 
calculable injury, difficulty and danger, I cannot pos- 
sibly propose anything of the kind. 

My proposal ad 2 might perhaps be carried out 
most easily and quickly this summer in Carlsbad ; and 
perhaps simply correspondence, if preferred, might be 

No. 3, on the contrary, is of greater importance — re- 
quires time, quiet, and much consideration. If such 


conferences are decided on, they must of course be at 
Vienna, and not be opened before next winter. 

Postscript of April 27. 

I have received your Excellency's letter from . . . .* 
about an hour ago, just as I was about to send off the 
above. What you say makes me fear that you will not 
be quite satisfied with my proposals ; however, as I do 
not know the communications you have addressed to 
the Court, it is possible that they may not be altogether 
incompatible. At any rate, in such an important affair 
your Excellency shall have my views as clearly as pos- 
sible : and, grieved as I am in other respects to be away 
from you at this moment, I am glad to have written down 
my thoughts before I was acquainted with yours, be- 
cause it will be easier to me to submit to your better 
insight and conviction than to surrender my own. 

Pilat has received a letter like the one I lately 
had ; and I hear that the Crown Prince, too, has re- 
ceived an anonymous threatening letter. Pilat was 
called an infamous wretch, fit for nothing but death, if 
he did not leave off disseminating hie evil principles. 
The letter to me may have been a bad sort of April- 
fooHng ; but when the same thing is repeated, it wears a 
more serious aspect. 

Metternich to Gentz, Naples, May 7, 1819. 
(Answer to No. 343.) 

344. From your letters of April 25 and 27, I hope 
that we shall be agreed about the university affairs. 

I have told you long ago that I did not think the 
Bundestag suitable to conduct this business. There is, 

* The date is not given : protably an answer to No. 342. — Ed. 


however, no other central point, and when you know 
(as 1 do only too well) how feeble the German 
Governments are, you will certainly see that nothing 
can come of private consultations, and now every Ger- 
man Prince, even if (like Bavaria) he dislikes the Bund, 
will find in the Bund the strength which he lacked in 
himself to favour similar arrangements. 

Time there is none to lose, for the Governments are 
now so terrified that they are willing to act ; soon their 
fears will be overcome by their weakness. If nothing 
is done now, the strength of the agitators will be 
doubled, and their courage will extinguish the last 
spark of the courage of the Governments. My previous 
communications will have informed you that I hmited 
the question for Frankfurt to some necessary prelimi- 
nary propositions. 

I have adopted Miiller's views and made some addi- 
tions, which certainly are not less important. Among 
these are the improvement of university law and the 
decision that obnoxious professors must not be placed 
in other universities. 

In taking as I do the Weimar proposal for my start- 
ing point, I think I do well. With contempt we shall 
never fight the old fellow there. He is accustomed to 
it. His mad views, on the contrary, will make a fine ex- 
hibition, and it seems to me far better to catch him on 
his own ground or give him the lie. 

I have not forgotten the Emperor of Eussia. I have 
to-day given Stiirmer the commission to write a letter to 
him — and send it to Count Nesselrode by one of his own 
couriers- — which will show you that I can handle the Em- 
peror quite suitably without committing any mistake in 
respect to German politics. 

I shall remain in Carlsbad certainly till the middle 


of July. I do not know whether you still think of your 
journey to Switzerland. The time does not seem to me 
very well chosen. But  I should be very glad if you 
could join me at Carlsbad. I desire this the more as I 
appoint a Prussian here, and other Germans may very 
likely come. 

People are asking me from all directions about a 
conspii'acy against the Emperor in Italy. If such a 
report should come to your ears you may be assured 
that it is a wicked invention of the party. Italy is 
quite quiet. Events in France, and the Constitu- 
tional farce in Germany excite the hopes of the parties, 
which, however, in Italy never express themselves 
except in secret societies. But so long as no great 
poHtical event takes place in Europe, no movement of 
any kind is to be expected in Italy. Amongst the 
Neapolitans, in particular, there is great satisfaction 
with the course of the Government, and since it is dif- 
ferent from its former course, this reacts advantageously 
upon us, for the public believes that we have something 
to do with the attitude of the King — and the public is 

If Eussian agents did not go about in Italy and 
encourage the sects to hopes founded on the liberalism 
of the Emperor Alexander, there would be hardly any 
active agitation in the minds of the people. In Italy 
they have got over their former dissatisfaction. Italians 
talk loud, but do not act. The history of the last 
thirty years is an example of this, for during that time, 
in spite of all intrigues, Italy was never revolutionised, 
properly speaking. With Italians hatred never ex- 
presses itself against a cause, but only against a person. 
Therefore, in Italy provinces are against provinces, 
towns aijainst towns, families aj^ainst families, and — men 


against men. If a movement broke out in Florence, 
tlie Pisan or Pistoian would take the contrary side, 
because he hates Florence ; thus Naples hates Eome, 
Eome Bologna, Leghorn Ancona, Milan Venice. 

I hope, however, soon to make an end of Eussian 
intrigues. I have taken some very peremptory steps in 
this respect. 

Meanwhile, farewell. 

Gentz to Metier nick, Vienna, May 21, 1819. 
(Answer to No. 344.) 

345. I received your Excellency's kind letter of 
the 7th instant yesterday evening, and, heartily as I 
wish you all pleasure at Naples, I am delighted that 
when this reaches you your Excellency will already be 
on the return journey to Germany. 

As your Excellency does full justice to my reasons 
against negotiating the university affairs at tlie 
Bundestag, all further lamentations on the course 
chosen are useless. The argument which you oppose 
to my reasons is indeed crushing, but also striking 
and decisive. If the German Courts are so weak 
that nothing effectual can be done by private consul- 
tation with them (and that they are so, unhappily, I 
can believe without much difficulty), certainly nothing 
remains but to make an attempt in Frankfurt. . . . 

On the point of taking the Weimar proposal as a 
foundation I cannot satisfy myself, in spite of your 
Excellency's most acute explanation of the matter. 

Count Sedlnitzky has given me the acts relating to 
the students' affairs. They consist of a sketch of a 
general Constitution for the students (]ie72verfas- 
sung), a protocol of the assembled delegates at Jena in 


March and April 1818, and an address with reference to 
this protocol to all the sister universities ; lastly, a copy 
uf the statutes for the general German Burschenschaft, 
corrected from the sketch, October 18, 1818, at Jena. 
It would not be possible to have these documents 
printed without commentary, even if it were to be done 
privately. But I would not undertake so important an 
affair — in which there is no periculum in mora — in your 
Excellency's absence. Moreover, the whole Burschen- 
schaft is in itself — without any regard to tlie abuses to 
which it has led, and may still further lead — an insti- 
tution so thoroughly objectionable, and so dangerous 
and criminal its aims, that no stone of it should be 
left upon another, and if the universities are to be re- 
tained, it must be forbidden under the severest penalties. 
This I will demonstrate at the proper time with the 
greatest clearness. 

If I may hope that it will be in any way useful or 
agreeable to your Excellency I am quite ready to give 
up my journey into Switzerland for this year, and to 
take up my quarters in Carlsbad. . . . 

Gentz to 3Ietteniich, Vienna, June 3, 1819. 

346. I send your Excellency a copy of a letter 
from MUller, and take the hberty of accompanying it 
with the following remarks : — 

1. From what Miiller says of many proselytes to the 
revolutionary sects,* of their uncertain and doubtful 
position, and of the indifference of the public, and even 
of the young men, to their writings, it is evident how 
much can be accomplished if only forty or fifty of the 
most dangerous men in Germany are carefully watched, 

* Adam Miiller, in his letter, speaks of Fries, Wieland, Oken, and 
Froriep. — Ed. 


and rendered harmless, either by direct alterations in 
their positions, or by winning them over by hope, or 
frightening them by a display of power — by fighting 
them, in fact, in a dexterous manner. This would be 
one of the most serviceable diplomatic performances of 
our time. But to this end we ought to have at a central 
point like Frankfurt one of the most important men 
for the cause. And where shall we find such a one ? 
And what ostensible sphere of action shall we give 

2. Certainly the transition of so many — particularly 
80 many young people — from political fanaticism to 
religious mysticism is very remarkable.* I do not 
consider this an advantage. The fact calls for the 
greatest attention. The malady evidently takes a new 
form, and the medicine must be different. Here, indeed, 
we go beyond the last limit of police measures, and if 
we do not find means to work on the mind, and lay 
hold of the evil by its deepest roots, we are at the end 
of our art. A close connection, a true coalition of the 
noblest and wisest men in Germany, a living Bund^ an 
actively dehberative and actively working society of 
the first statesmen and learned men, can alone solve so 
great a problem. 

3. The papers which have appeared about Kotze- 
bue's assassination cannot possibly make any impression, 

* Adam Miiller mentions, in corroboration of this, that in Halle students 
were every day leavmg the other faculties and going over to the theology 
lectures, and the good old Knape did not know what to do for the crowd. 
In Halle the Mtjstiktrs drew all the applause, and the well-known Schubert, 
a kindred spirit, established his lecture-room there. The physician Win- 
dischmaun opened his Cursus at Bonn, before all the professors, with a 
speech, in which, after a series of obscure natural philosophical expositions 
of the history of the time, he concluded with the declaration that only in 
the revelation of Jesus Christ could peace be found for the conscience and 
for knowledge. — Ed. 

wiaTERS ON kotzebue's assassination. 283 

because they deserve little or no respect. Krug is a 
mere common babbler, without vigour or strength, wlio 
is hardly fit to keep a tobacconist's shop. Gorres, after 
the old accustomed manner, with hollow threats and 
dark prophecies, only gives it to be understood that in 
every misfortune the Governments alone are guilty, and 
neither gives the grounds of the accusation nor speaks 
it out clearly. I consider his writings not merely bad, 
but in the highest degree objectionable and culpable. 
Beckedorf's speech to the students is animated by a 
good spirit ; it is, however, too much like a sermon, and 
for an oratorical attempt not well enough written. La 
Motte Fouque cuts antics in doggrel like a rope-dancer : 
a fool, whose hour has long passed. StefFens alone has 
risen to the level of the subject. He is known to be a 
natural philosopher deeply entangled in all the false 
tendencies of the time. Anything thoroughly correct 
is not to be expected from him, and Satan, to whom he 
has sold liimself, often peeps out. His judgment on 
the deed is thoroughly clear, straightforward, and excel- 
lent, and contrasts finely with all the indirect apologies, 
soft infatuations, and underhand sophisms glaring, to the 
shame of Germany, in all the pubUc papers. Stefiens 
is a man whom the revolutionary party fears, because 
it confesses his superiority, and Miiller is wrong if he 
thinks that his word will not have much weight. 

4. The story of the 3,000 copies of the Gravel 
book is quite correct, and certainly gains grievous ridi- 
cule for our public,* but the connection of the thing 
must be known in order to see how it looks. Tliis 
pamphlet, published by Gerold, is patronised most 

* Adam Miiller wrote on this : *' The great story in the bookselling world, 
a real scandal for Vienna and Austria, is that 3,000 copies were sold, in 
Austria only, of the notorious pamphlet " Der Menseh von Gravel.'''' ' — Ed. 


zealously (God knows why) by the different officials 
of the poHce-courts, sent into all the provinces, and 
disseminated as much as possible both openly and se- 
cretly. It seems to me that Count Saurau must be at 
the bottom of it. The favour of it goes so far that a 
short review of it in the ' Observer,' in which Pilat 
found fault with some coarse deistical errors of the 
wretched scribbler, was suppressed by the police officials. 
For me, however, the history has an important and re- 
assuring side. It shows what can be accomplished 
with us by authority, if it takes up a cause earnestly 
and con amove. 

The deep silence of the Emperor of Eussia on the 
attempts against Stourdza and Kotzebue has a most 
peculiar appearance. I cannot say that I grieve over 
it very much, for he would not have mended matters 
much if he had taken the right Hne, and there were a 
hundred chances to one that he should miss it. But 
how this silence will be explained excites my curiosity 
to the highest degree, and if your Excellency knows 
anything you can communicate to me, I beg of you to 
have the kindness to remember me. , 

Metternich to Gentz, Rome, June 6, 1819. 

347. The Commission is opened in Frankfurt, and 
I have letters of thanks from all sides for having taken 
the initiative. 

I beg you to understand the founding of our pro- 
posal on the Weimar memorial only in the sense in 
which I myself put it — namely, not as if the Weimar 
propositions were the immediate object of the delibe- 
rations. This is not so : but the Weimar move served 
us as the immediate occasion on which a conference 


miglit be grounded. Imagine a wood where a captured 
robber calls for help. I hasten up to him, not to help 
him to get away, but to hold him as fast as possible. 

The Weimar clique is besides in great anxiety. Jena 
begins to grow empty, and the college funds dull. The 
enrages exclaim against the unanswerable step of the 
Grand Duke, and call him a counseller to the good 
cause. Why should we not follow up this theme? We 
cannot, at least, be accused of Obscurantism if we, instead 
of speaking from our own grounds, take up the cry of 
distress of the Liberal Grand Duke. But with these 
first steps the part of the Grand Duke concludes, for we 
all renounce his help. 

I see, too, with a real feeling of anxiety for my 
earlier arrival in Carlsbad, that I am here too far from 
the battle-field. Between July 16 and 20 I shall 
certainly be on the spot. Take your own measures 

I hope that you have not for a moment believed in 
my journey to Paris which all the newspapers have 
blazoned forth. 

The Liberals have raised a great hue and cry over 
the Archduke Eudolf s dignity of Cardinal. The Itahan 
Independents rejoice over the cause, for they believe 
the Archduke will become Pope, take a wife, and call 
himself King of Italy. I see in the affair a red hat 
and a pair of red stockings, as well as the proof of good 
political relations between the first Catholic Power and 
the Church. 

You may take my word for it that our Italian tour 
has in every respect answered the expectations I had 

P.S. — Tell Pilat that there is a terrible eruption of 
Etna, and that Catania is threatened with great danger. 


Vesuvius, too, has an enormous stream of lava runmn<T 
in the direction of Pompeii. I am very sorry not to be 
there. A considerable earthquake has been felt in the 
neighbourhood of Yiterbo. As Pilat is the only re- 
porter of earthquakes, this information will be welcome. 
The Emperor has put offhis journey till the 11th be- 
cause the Archduchess Caroline is slightly unwell. I 
shall follow the Emperor on the 12th. 

Gentz to Metternich, Vienna, June 17, 1819. 

(Answer to No. 347.) 

348. I see with great pleasure, from your kind 
letter of the 6th inst., that you have not given up the 
journey to Carlsbad, as some sceptics here wished to 
make out, and that you even give it a certain import- 
ance. Your residence in Carlsbad may certainly do 
good and will at any rate furnish material for observa- 
tions and combinations w4iich will not be lost to your 
fertile intellect. My lodgings are taken from July 15. 

I look forward with impatience to the time when I 
shall draw anew from so rich a source, correcting and 
confirming my views afresh, and I hope your Excellency 
will have the kindness to inform me further of your 
travelling plans. 

Metternich to Gentz, Perugia, June 17, 1819. 
(Answer to No. 346.) 

349. I thank you for your very interesting account 
of the 3rd inst. I entirely share the views of Adam 
Midler, and in sharing them I find myself strengthened 
in the course I have taken. That the students' folly 
declines or turns to some other side than that of politics 
does not surprise me. This is in the nature of tilings. 


The student, taken in himself, is a child, and the 
Burschenschaft is an unpractical puppet-show. Then, I 
have never — and of this you are a witness — spoken of the 
students, but all my aim has been directed at the pro- 
fessors. Now, the professors, singly or united, are most 
unsuited to be conspirators. People only conspire pro- 
fitably against things, not against theories. The last, 
indeed, may grow to power, but this can never be 
the case if they leave the sphere of theology. Where 
they are political, they must be supported by deed, and 
the deed is the overthrow of existing institutions, and 
the otez-vous de la que je my mette. Tliis is what 
learned men and professors cannot manage, and the 
class of lawyers is better suited to carry it on. I know 
hardly one learned man who knows the value of pro- 
perty ; while, on the contrary, the lawyer class is always 
rummaging about in the property of others. Besides, 
the professors are, nearly without exception, given up 
to theory ; while no people are more practical than the 

Consequently, I have never feared that the revolu- 
tion would be engendered by the universities ; but that 
at them a whole generation of revolutionaries must be 
formed, unless the evil is restrained, seems to me cer- 
tain. I hope that the most mischievous symptoms of 
the evil at the universities may be met, and that per- 
haps from its own peculiar sources, for the measures of 
the Government will contribute to this less than the 
weariness of the students, the weakness of the profes- 
sors, and the different direction which the studies may 
take. But this feeling will never restrain me from 
taking steps from above ; and, indeed, what seem to me 
the only possible measures are taken. 

If we are together I can give you many satisfactory 


explanations of the course of the business, which at a 
distance I could not communicate to you without an 
enormous correspondence, and even then must remain 
futile and imperfect. 

The greatest and consequently the most urgent evil 
now is the press. The measures referring to it which 
I intend to brinj^ forward at the Carlsbad Congress I 
will tell you all the more gladly as I wish you to give 
me your opinion on my ideas without reserve, and put 
yourself in a position to help me effectually in Carlsbad, 
where the business must begin without delay. 

My proposals are, briefly, the following : — All the 
German Courts shall unite in measures which seem ne- 
cessary for the maintenance of the public peace, and 
from a full sense of the right of mutual support which 
is the foundation of the German Bund. 

They here start from the fundamental idea of the 
Bund, which consists of Germany and the Sovereign 
States, that have agreed mutually to support and help 
each other, and which, while they are separate in ad- 
ministrative respects, form one common power against 
foreign countries. 

The inward peace of the Bund may be endangered 
and even destroyed by one of the German States attack- 
ing the sovereign power of the others. But this can also 
be done by the moral action of the Government on 
others, or through the intrigues even of a party. If this 
party should be supported by a German State — or only 
find protection in one of them — if with tliis protection 
it finds means to rest its lever against neighbouring 
States on a neighbouring State, then the inner peace of 
the Bund is threatened, and the Prince who allows this 
disorder in his country is guilty of felony against the 


All tlie German Governments have arrived at the 
conviction that, at the present time, the press serves a 
party antagonistic to all existing Governments. The na- 
tionalities spread over all Germany make it impossible 
for single States to guard their frontiers from this evil; 
if this is the fact for single Governments, it will be no 
less so for all German Governments if but one German 
State — let it be even the smallest amon<jf them — shut 
itself out from the acceptance of common measures for 
the maintenance of the general peace. 

The Bund has the right of calling upon every single 
member to fulfill the common duties. In case that 
member is not found ready of himself, the Bund has the 
right of compelling him. 

From the constitution of the Bund it also arises that 
everything that is possible to independent sovereigns and 
European States is not possible to the sovereign States 
of the German Bund. 

For instance, France and England certainly can per- 
mit the freedom of the press, and even assert the prin- 
ciple that this freedom is an indispensable condition of 
the real representative system. 

In France and Eni^land laws can be made which 
confine the abuse of the press in relation to the con- 
stitution of those two kingdoms. 

I doubt, however, whether either of those States 
would consider it a fundamental idea of the freedom of 
the press to tolerate all works which are systematically 
concocted and disseminated in one of the States, even to 
the generation of rebellion, by a party that is undermining 
the existing institutions of the other State. In this case 
the English Government would certainly complain to 
the French (and vice versd) of the toleration of foreign 
instigators of rebellion ; and if the Government conv 


plained to did not render its assistance, the Government 
complaining has the undoubted right to declare war, 
and so obtain help and redress, or at tlie least to stop 
all intercourse between the two States. 

These remedies, grounded on the rights of peoples, are 
not practicable in Germany. What can be done among 
European Powers in this respect by repression, must be 
accomphshed in the German Bund by preventive laws. 

In these propositions there is no Obscurantism, and 
therefore they are not to be assailed as such. Even 
the instigators of rebellion, indeed, feel this, and will 
not object to them. They may decry such a state of 
things as a great evil for Germany, and express a wish 
for the only alternative known to me — the union of all 
Germany in one whole, undivided body. This wish has 
already become the fundamental principle of the frater- 
nisation of practical German revolutionists. 

Since, however, this can only be fulfilled by a single 
German monarchy, or one German free State, it is to be 
supposed that no German Government will be found, 
from German feeling, to submit to be chased from 
Court and home — an inevitable condition to be expected 
by the victim to the love of carrying out that idea. 

The means to this end seem to me to be the fol- 
lowing : — • 

1. There must be a settled difference made between 
books (real works), and journals and pamphlets. 

Scientific matter characterises the former, and, where 
this is not evident, the number of sheets. Thus, for 
instance, I take for granted that a Dissertation on Tri- 
gonometry consisting of three or four sheets might be 
reckoned as a work ; while a political work, to be 
reckoned as such, must contain at least five-and-twenty 


Periodicity and the political or moral subject-matter 
decides their character. 

2. It is reserved to every German State to decide 
whether they will have a censorship of all literary pro- 
ductions Avhich appear w^ithin their hmits, or whether 
they will pass repressive laws. 

In the second case the law must be for the whole 
Bund one and the same law : that is, every State which 
permits the freedom of the press for works must accept 
the law which the Bund has passed for all States in the 
same position. 

3. All journals, pamphlets, &c., &c., in Germany 
must be under a censorship. 

4. Where freedom of the press for works is per- 
mitted, the local Government {Landesregierimg) must 
through their public prosecutor carry on the suit which 
any other German Government may bring in a diplo- 
matic way against either the author or pubHsher. This 
suit must be instituted and carried on in the name of 
the local Government, and the subject of complaint 
must be considered and treated by it as affecting that 
Government itself. 

In the same way every German Government must 
be responsible for its own censorship. Every complaint 
against the latter must be considered as a complaint of 
Government acrainst Government. 

5. The usual regulations as to the printing of the 
author's name, or at least the place where the work is 
printed, and the pubhsher's name, must everywhere be 

Xo publication can be allowed at any bookseller's in 
Germany except under these conditions. Every anony- 
mous writing in the Bund falls under confiscation. 

These are my principal ideas, and I hardly think 

u 2 


that any reasonable objection can be made to tliem. I 
deplore, indeed, that the censorship cannot be instituted 
for all writings without exception. But I am convinced 
that in many German States great opposition would 
be made if it were apphed to true works. The most 
pressing evil is, however, certainly met by a firm ad- 
ministration of my proposals, and I doubt not that they 
will be accepted by the majority of eminent men. The 
most important German States — as, for instance, Prussia 
and Bavaria, Saxony and Hanover, even Baden — have to 
make no backward step in principle, for they all have 
either a general censorship or at the least a censorsliip 
of the journals. In Bavaria the latter is even consti- 
tutional : the Government, too, from its incomprehen- 
sible toleration, is more culpable than any other. 

Postscript. — I beg your indulgence if in my letter you 
find some undigested expressions. I have much to do, 
and I hope that in reading, and still more in estimating, 
my ideas on the laws respecting the licence of the press, 
you will hold more by the spirit than the words ; but I 
submit both to your better knowledge and experience. 

Gentz to Metternich^ July 1, 1819. 
(Answer to No. 349.) 

350. Your Excellency can easily imagine what an 
impression your letter from Perugia has made on me. 
My spirits rise and all dark troubles seem to fly, when, 
at so grave a moment, I see the only man in Germany 
who can still act freely and firmly treat not only prin- 
ciples and feelings but resolutions from so lofty a level. 

I have thought over with great attention your Ex- 
cellency's resolutions concerning the limitation of the 
piess in Germany. If these proposals are carried out. 


certainly much will be gained. I set no great value on 
the censorship of the greater works ; 1 shall be extremely 
delighted if all the German Governments will consent to 
the censorship of the journals, in which, however, I 
would propose some different modifications, or rather 
supplementary measures, without which the censorship 
itself degenerates into mere empty tomfoolery. 

But I expect great opposition to the censorship of the 
iournals from Wurtemberg, Weimar, and other quarters. 
The point is whether the dangerous question of the right 
of the majority to pass such a measure may not be mooted. 
But I reckon confidently on the steps your Excellency 
has already taken, and cliiefly on the ascendancy which 
cannot be denied to your Excellency when once you 
declare yourself with decision and energy. 

I will, to approach the matter more in detail, en- 
deavour to express and arrange your Excellency's pro- 
positions as clearly and methodically as possible. Where 
it seems to me that explanatory remarks would be 
useful, I will carefully add them. In a word, I will 
bring with me to Carlsbad a work on the subject 
formed entirely on the groundwork of your proposals, 
which perhaps may serve as a guide for verbal con- 
ference, and of which you can take or reject what 
seems to your Excellency useful or not. 

Where this letter will find your Excellency I do not 
know, but I believe already in Germany. I think, how- 
ever, that I shall have a hint from some one or other 
before your arrival in Carlsbad. In any case, I shall 
start from here on the 15th, for I shall then (in the 
usual way) take live or six days for the journey, so that 
I shall not arrive there before the 20th. But neither 
do I expect your Excellency to arrive before that date. 

Postscript. — I perceive with the greatest satisfaction 


that your Excellency is enjoying the best health and 
spirits. A good stock of both was seldom more neces- 
sary than now. The present crisis taxes all our powers 
to the utmost, and it is a question of nothing less than 
the prevention of the probable disruption of the united 
German Confederation — therefore, of one of the most 
dreadful European revolutions. In the last four weeks 
the symptoms have taken from one day to another so 
malignant a character that I fear heroic means alone — 
even amputation in a certain sense — can save the parts 
not yet attacked. 

I knew not whether to laugh or cry when this 
morning a very worthy tradesman said to me that, till 
now he had always thought that in Germany too much 
was made of events, but now he no longer doubted that 
the danger is great and pressing. 

Durate^ et vosmet rebus servate secundis* is the prayer 
which I make to Heaven daily for your Excellency. 

• Virg. ^n. i. 207. 



Pi-eliminaries to the Carlsbad Conferences. 

351. Metternich to the Emperor Francis, July 30, 1819. 
. 352. Metternich to the Emperor Francis, August 1, 1819. 

351. I arrived here tlie day before yesterday in the 
evening. Immediately after my arrival, the King of 
Prussia sent word that he would receive me at home 
the next morning. This circumstance was only re- 
markable because since his arrival here the King had 
received no one at home — all, even his own official 
audiences had been held in the Clary Gardens. Prince 
von Hardenberg arrived here from Berlin a few hours 
after me. 

Early yesterday I went to the King, who received 
me in a most friendly manner, enquired particularly 
after your Majesty's health, and then said : ' You come 
here to see me at a most important moment. Six years 
ago we had to fight the enemy in the open field : now 
he sneaks and hides. You know that I have great 
confidence in your views ; you have long warned me, 
and all you have said has come true.' 

I answered his Majesty that, knowing your Majesty's 
feelings, I could assure him (the King) that every truth 
I had before told him, and especially at Aix-la-Chapelle, 
was quite as evident to your Majesty as to me. I added 
that he must be already aware of your Majesty's prompt 
decision in virtue of which you had without regard to 


the interests of the Lombardo-Venetian provinces given 
up that journey. Your Majesty is accustomed always 
to do that which is most pressing, and the state of things 
in Germany fixes your whole attention in the double 
respect of the common weal of the German States and 
that of your own empire. The Emperor is, said I, con- 
vinced that the evil has reached such a height in Ger- 
many that the day has arrived for the decision between 
the principle of preservation or entire submission — 
consequently, of political death. How the Emperor 
thinks for Prussia he has shown : that he will grant 
your Majesty help if you help yourself there is not the 
least doubt. But the Emperor has, above all, very great 
and very difficult duties as a ruler : with united strength 
he may strive to dam up the impetuous stream, but 
alone he will never risk the danger of shipwreck. In 
order to help, the Emperor must first see clearly. He 
must know what Governments there are worth the name 
to carry out his plan. Prussia, too, is not exempted from 
taking part in this. But though the King is there, we 
do not find the kingly power ; if the King leaves a free 
course to the evil which threatens his throne and — as 
the examination of the conspirators shows — even his 
person, the Emperor must withdraw, and for his own 
benefit take a line very different from the one he is to- 
day pursuing. 

' You know,' answered the King, ' that no one has a 
better will tlian I have. But my position is very dif- 
ficult, for I lack men. The possible, however, must be 
done, and therefore I depend upon you to help me to 
come to an agreement on a certain definite course.' 

I answered the King that it would be no more than 
my duty by investigation of the evil and by careful con- 
sideration to discover the means of safety : that, how- 


ever, such a difference existed between the determina- 
tion and the execution of beneficial measures, and that I 
was so thoroughly acquainted with the internal state of 
the Prussian Government, that I must freely confess I 
cherish but small hopes of bringing the affair to success. 
' I can speak freely to your Majesty,' I added, ' for you 
have always taken it in good part. I will do so now, 
as I did once before when your Majesty invited me to 
do so. Either the counsel which your Majesty receives 
is not good or it is badly carried out. The discovered 
conspiracy is nothing but the action which always fol- 
lows the teaching. Tins conspiracy has its origin and 
its abode in Prussia ; the subordinate conspirators are 
now known, the superiors are still undiscovered, but 
they are without doubt to be found in the highest 
region of your own servants. Your Majesty knows what 
I think of the State Chancellor. He has rendered your 
Majesty priceless services, but he is now old and feeble 
both in mind and body. He desires what is right, and 
only too frequently supports what is bad.' 

' You are aware,' answered the King, ' that I know 
Prince Hardenberg thoroughly ; his misfortune is the 
men who are about him, among whom are some very 
strano;e characters.' 

'Why does your Majesty tolerate these men? Why 
have you allowed bad and dangerous institutions so 
much latitude ? ' 

' You are quite right,' replied the King, ' but it is 
always thus when people get old. My desire is that 
now, whilst you are here, principles should be established 
which then must be most strictly carried out. I wish 
that you should settle this absolutely with the State 

' The whole thing is restricted to one point,' I an- 


swered. ' If your Majesty is determined not to intro- 
duce any representation of the people into your kingdom 
(which is less fitted for it than any other) help will be 
forthcoming, otherwise there is no possibility of assist- 
ance. You can fulfil your promise in meaning, if, indeed, 
you had promised the very opposite; the present time 
is entirely different from the past. I am ready to impart 
my views to the State Chancellor, but I beg your Ma- 
jesty also to nominate Count Bernstorff and Prince Witt- 
genstein to this conference.' 

' I had intended to do so,' said the King, ' and I beg 
you to try and bind these people in writing ; you can 
thoroughly rely upon Prince Wittgenstein.' 

I have laid before your Majesty the principal points 
in a long conversation, in order to give your Majesty 
the plainest possible illustration of the position of the 
King, and of the administration in its highest sphere. 
Where such things can be said there is hardly a Govern- 
ment ; everything is sunk in weakness ; this weakness 
is in the men ; the only one who has lately acted with 
any vigour is Prince Wittgenstein. . . . 

I will extend my stay here till August 2, because 
the State Chancellor has much pressed me to do 
so. As he stays here with pleasure, he is in a very 
good humour. He is, moreover, not in mind but in 
feeling close on childhood. The King leaves Teplitz on 
August 1. 

I will arrange everything here as well as I possibly 
can, and as soon as the basis is established I will lay my 
views before your Majesty. 

In Berlin the well-disposed — and that is the majority 
— rejoice over the first strength the Government has 
shown for j^ears ; and this gives the Chancellor more 
courage. The German newspapers do what they can 


to mislead tlie public as to the exact state of affairs. 
These must first of all be silenced. 

Metternich to the Emperor Francis, Teplitz,Aug. 1,1819. 

352. My Eeport of yesterday (No. 351) will have 
thrown as much light as was for the moment possible 
on the state of my negotiations here. 

To-day I am able to lay before your Majesty their 
definite results. 

Having ascertained the wishes of the King of Prussia, 
I entered into conference with Prince von Hardenberg, 
Prince von Wittgenstein, and Count von Bernstorff, in 
order to place as clearly a^ possible the foundation of 
our future course before them. To this conference I 
also invited Count Zichy. 

My plan consists in the main of the following pro- 
positions : —  

1. The almost inconceivable perverseness of the 
course of most of the German Governments (the Prussian 
above all) has given such an impetus to the revolu- 
tionary spirit that perhaps the last period has arrived 
when help is still possible. 

Formerly the German revolutionists were as much 
separated as the States in which they lived ; that under 
such circumstances no effectual blow could be struck 
by them was soon clear to the conspirators. The mili- 
tary party in Prussia at first thought of aggrandising 
themselves by the conquest of Prussia ; the civil party 
in Prussia limited themselves to employing their efforts 
for the transformation of Prussia. Some men (and it is 
noticeable that they are nearly all persons engaged in 
teaching) go much further, and from a revolutionary 
point of view take the right road. They direct their 
eyes to the union of all Germans in one Germany. 


For this the generation already educated cannot 
serve them ; they therefore turn their attention to those 
who are to be educated, a plan which commends itself 
even to the most impatient, for the student generation 
includes, at the most, a space of four years. Now, the 
systematic preparation of youth for this infamous object 
has lasted already more than one of these generations. 
A whole class of future State officials, professors, and 
incipient literary men, is here ripened for revolution. 

If we now reflect that in the Prussian Government 
the most numerous and important positions, both in 
the centre of the Government and in the provinces 
(especially is this the case in the Ehine provinces), are 
occupied by pure revolutionists, it is not to be wondered 
at if Prussia is considered quite ripe for revolution. 

Two circumstances have unexpectedly assisted this 
deep laid plan — the disaffection, almost amounting to 
madness, of the press in general, and the introduction 
of demagogic Governments in South Germany. What 
Prussia's weakness had prepared for years, Bavaria 
accomplished with one blow, Baden imitated, and 
Wurtemberg sought to extend still further. 

2. To complete this work it now only requires to 
set uj:) a democratic Government in Prussia. That this 
measure is not yet full depends on the personal timidity 
of the King and — I say without hesitation — the syste- 
matic efforts with which I have made it my duty to 
frighten the King from every step which must have 
resulted in the inevitable overthrow of all the existing 
institutions. To this end it was necessary that the 
King, and even the high officers of the State, should 
be imbued with the most undoubting confidence in the 
true friendship of your Majesty, and to obtain for 
myself personally the good opinion of the King. How 


tlioroiiglily this has succeeded is shown by the present 

3. As the first steps were attained by your Majesty's 
personal course in German affairs as well as in your 
Majesty's personal attitude towards the King, I made 
use of the last meeting of the Courts at Aix-la-Chapelle 
to make myself at home in the internal affairs of Prussia ; 
and your Majesty will remember the steps which I then 
took to explain to the King himself his position with 
regard to his jDCople — or rather with regard to the 
administration — and to draw his attention to the dif- 
ference between the piinciples Avhich must cost him the 
throne and those which may yet save him. The salva- 
tion of the Prussian monarchy may therefore probably 
date from Aix-la-Chapelle. 

That this evil by its extension produces the means 
of its own extinction is also seen in Prussia. Moral, 
hke physical, evil always reaches such a height, if it is 
not destroyed in its first germ, or at any rate in its 
very first period, that at last its weakness becomes 
plainly evident. The illusion disappears, its imminent 
and entire dissolution is palpable, and courage often 
comes in the last hours to the help of the most dejected, 
and it is fortunate if then the elements of relief are still 
at their disposal. 

This is the present position of the King of Prussia. 
It is known to your Majesty that, by one of those happy 
chances which often occur in the life of States as in the 
lives of men, my journey to Carlsbad happened at the 
moment of a decision most important for Prussia. That 
I consider the present crisis momentous for the whole of 
Germany I have shown your Majesty by my plan, not 
only of going to Carlsbad myself, but of there conferring 
with the ministers of the chief German Courts. But a 


good resolution generally leads to manifold benefits, and 
so it has here turned out. 

That the great conspiracy overspreading the whole 
of Germany would be unmasked just at this moment 
was so little foreseen by me that it was part of my 
plan to discover it at Carlsbad. In the same way your 
Majesty's idea of going straight to Vienna, instead of to 
Milan, was one of those happy inspirations the object 
of which can only be known beforehand by Providence. 

4. I came here by the pressing invitation of the 
King, and found him, as I mentioned in my last despatch 
to your Majesty, in an excellent and, for him, unusually 
confidential mood. How much this disposition has been 
increased by my efibrts here was yesterday made most 
evident. The day before yesterday I had begged the 
King to grant me another audience. Yesterday morning 
the Kino; came to me himself with Prince Wittg:enstein. 
In a conversation of two hours, and in the presence of 
that excellent and faithful witness, I unfolded my views, 
feelinss and convictions with the same candour with 
which I always make it my duty to speak to your 
Majesty. I thoroughly penetrated the mind of the 
King, and found the means of exciting in him the most 
active principle of his character — the repressive — to 
such a degree that we may hope he will never take the 
most hazardous of all steps, the introduction of a con- 
stitution for his kingdom, without granting me a preli- 
minary examination of what is to be done. 

In order to lead the King to right principles, I had 
prepared a short work which clearly pointed out the 
true difference between such institutions as the Diets 
and a so-called representative system. I thought it all 
the more necessary to place this work in the King's own 
hands as I saw that he had placed the greatest value 


on a far more superficial paper which I had presented 
to Prince Wittgenstein, as well as to the State Chancellor 
at Aix-la-Chapelle (No. 305). 

I take the liberty of sending your Majesty a copy of 
the above-named paper.* If your Majesty condescends 
to look it over, you will be convinced that only the 
utterance of a few sentences — only a few blunders in 
the choice of the system to be followed— is needed to 
frustrate for ever any possible rescue of the good cause. 

5. During my conversations here w^ith the first 
Prussian statesmen, I have convinced myself of the fol- 
lowing evident facts. 

Prince von Hardenberg is morally, as well as physi- 
cally, in a state of weakness bordering on childhood. 
He desires what is right, he knows even what is right, but 
there are in him two elements always most dangerous for 
a statesman of the highest grade, even if his strength of 
mind were greater than ever was the Prince's. The one 
is an extraordinary impulse towards liberalism : the other 
an unfortunate inclination to get strange people about 
him. It may be said without exaggeration that at the 
present time there is not a man near him whose opinions 
are not either of the purest democracy, or who is not 
already an active participator in the conspiracy against 
the very throne of Prussia itself. 

The King is thoroughly informed of the state of 
things. There are in Prussia also two negative powers 
in conflict — the weakness of the King with that of the 
State Chancellor. The first is the least dangerous, for 
the King's weakness is coupled with indolence : that of 
the Chancellor, with the greatest activity. 

Count BernstorfF is thoroughly right-feehng in prin- 

* This paper is not to be found, but it was evidently analogous with 
No. 305.— Ed. 


ciple. He is, lio^vever, extremely weak, and he lias 
such a deep consciousness of his j)ainful position that 
he is quite enfeebled by it. 

Prince Wittgenstein thinks as I do : he is in the 
main active, but not nearly so much so as he should be. 
His influence on the King is far more thorough since 
the last discoveries so well conducted by him. 

The director of the Eoyal Cabinet, Albrecht, is a quiet 
and extremely well-meaning man. In Aix-la-Chapelle 
he already began to draw near to me, and has here laid 
aside all timidity in this respect. His part is nega- 
tively very important, for he makes it his duty to re- 
strain the King from many inconsiderate steps. . . . 

I do not wish my presence here to be limited to an 
empty convention ; therefore I have written out the 
sketch of an agreement, and laid it before our second 

This document contains the basis on which alone I 
seek the safety and prosperity of Germany, and at the 
same time is a proof that Prussia herself joins with us. 
The principal features of this basis are as follows. I 
start from tlie point of view — 

1. That to me purely Austrian must, in the abstract, 
stand closer than Austro-German affairs. 

A good and vigorously managed union of States 
[Bundes-Verhdltnisse) is certainly the best and truest 
weapon of defence for your Majesty's own State : and 
more, there is no other political combination which can 
outweigh or replace the advantages arising from tliis 
union of States. The more firmly these propositions 
are establislied, the more true it is that the same element 
which if well managed will lead to safety, may through 
mismanagement or bad and careless execution become 
highly dangerous. 


Therefore from these propositions arises the rule, a 
real rule of life for Austria — 

That we must do everything to regulate and main- 
tain the prosperity of the Bund, or, in case this should 
prove impossible, we must, relying on our own strength, 
assume a position very different from that we are taking 
to-day towards the German Princes outside the Bund. 

Faithfully to follow out this principle we must first 
show most exactly the true position of affairs, and then 
point out the appropriate ways and means to improve 
the defects in the Bund. 

The course to be followed is clearly laid down in the 
agreement signed with Prussia. 

It is divided into two periods — 

(a) The present meeting of the ministers of the most 
important German Courts at Carlsbad ; 

(^) A second meeting at Vienna supplementary to 
the first. 

At the first our principles must be made generally 
known, and the necessary temporary measures founded 
on them. 

Among these I reckon — 

{a) The suspension of the licence of the press ; 

(b) The appointment of commissions for the inves- 
tigation of the German universities, and the removal of 
notoriously bad professors ; 

(c) The formation of a special judicial commission, 
acting in the name of the whole Bund, to investigate the 
conspiracy discovered against the Bund. 

The second meeting can only be devoted to discus- 
sions not of a kind to be accomplished in a few hours or 
days. Among these I include the correction of the thir- 
teenth article of the Act of Confederation. 

All that is most necessary here is provided for by 



the engagement of Prussia to grant no representation 
of the people — that is, not to give themselves up with 
one stroke to the Eevolution. 

Your Majesty will have been long convinced (and 
the present Report will show this truth afresh) how 
little I reckon on any firmness in the proceedings of 
Prussia as to their home affairs. This much, however, is 
certain, that all danger is for the moment averted, and 
with this state of things comes the possibility that 
future evil may be avoided by vigorous measures at the 
present time. My great desire, therefore, in regard to 
Prussia, is to make use of this present time, and I cling 
to this firmly. 

The means of leading the revolutionised South 
German States back to a better footing are so critical 
in their apphcation that they require the most firm and 
calm examination, and it is only thus that the desired 
result can be attained. I hope by this hasty but plain 
representation to convince your Majesty that this matter, 
which from the harmony of Austrian and Prussian views 
begins so prosperously, chiefly depends on this — 

To save the German Bund by the help of Austria, 
or to leave Austria the possibility — difficult as it may 
be — to save herself. 

I feel sure that I shall never be called upon to solve 
more difficult problems than the present. But they do 
not come of my choice ; the evil exists and must be 
conquered : the causes of the evil lie deep ; they must 
therefore be grasped from the root : this outbreak 
already overspreads all Germany ; the fight must there- 
fore take place in the open field. In these assertions 
there is no exaggeration : they are the expression of pure 




On this Report I think it right to make the following 
remarks : — 

1. I think it would be best that every State which 
has still no representation by Diet should have the 
bestowal of it deferred, and that at present there should 
be nothing said on the matter, in order not to put 
troublesome people in movement, who would witli diffi- 
culty be satisfied with representative Diets such as are 
meant in your Eeport. 

2. I hesitate to grant to the Diets a share in the 
legislation ; 

3. Or to grant the proposed assembly of Deputies 
from the provincial Diets, which it would strengthen 
against a monarchy formed out of different bodies. 

4. I shall never allow my universities to be examined 
by a commission, for they would thereby be brought 
into the very disorder and confusion which it is in- 
tended to avoid. 

5. The formation of a special judicial commission 
to try the discovered conspiracy against the Bund I 
think doubtful and unjust. Every subject has the right 
to be tried according to the laws of his own State, or 
that in which the offence occurred. Now, the Bund 
has no pecuUar laws against crimes, no tribunal : there- 
fore, who shall judge, and according to what law shall 
judgment be given? One must not by unjust measures 
give occasion to just complaints, which might here be 
the case. Besides, who will answer for it that the judges 
shall be properly chosen, and that there will not be long 
disputes at the Diet as to the manner of trial without 
bringing matters to a point, thus making them still 
worse ? . . . 

But it is best, as I have already told you, not to 
go to work inconsiderately, and perhaps resort to such 



remedial measures that the evil in question may be made 
either to take another form or to give place to a new 

What We can do depends on Us, but we have to do 
with weak sovereigns and weak Governments, whose 
fears we must use to induce them to severe but righteous 
measures, and if this cannot be done, or should the means 
ordained by the Diet prove insufficient against the in- 
action or treachery of others, we must isolate ourselves, 
and then — as I have explained to you — act as the Aus- 
trian kingdom, as the welfare of my subjects, requires. 
This you can threaten to do, if you should see that it is 


Sclionbrunn, August 7, 1819. 



Metternich to Count Buol in Frankfurt^ Carlsbad, 
September 1, 1819. 

353. Enclosed I have the honour to send your 
Excellency a presidential Eeport on several matters de- 
bated here among the assembled plenipotentiaries of the 
different German Governments. 

From the great importance of the deliberations and 
with the happy conviction that a corresponding result 
will procure the security of internal peace in the Bund 
and confirm the federation in its organic formation, I 
thoroughly confide in your Excellency's sound, wise, 
and in every respect efficient co-operation. I expect, 
therefore, as soon as possible, intelligence of the further 
course of the dehberations, and only remark that in case 
of any doubt the two ambassadors, Von Plessen and 
Yon Marschall, can give every explanation required, 
for these two ministers are acquainted with the negotia- 
tions so far, and with my views and feelings. 

Presidential Proposition. 

(Enclosed in No. 353.) 

354. The Royal Presidential Embassy has received 
orders to make the following proposals to the assembly 
of the Bund. 

* There were present at the Carlsbad Conferences — besides Austria — 
Prussia, Bavaria, Saxony, Hanover, Wurtemberg-, Baden, Mecklenburg, 
Nassau, Hesse, and Saxo Weimar : the two last vyithout full powers. — Ed. 


His Imperial Majesty believes tliat the wish of all the 
members of the Bund corresponds with his own when 
he calls upon that assembly, before their adjournment, 
to direct their whole attention to the restless ao;itation 
and fermentation of feeling prevailing in the greater part 
of Germany ; to discover the causes of this doubtful 
appearance, which for some years has day by day been 
more plainly made known, till at last, it was unmistak- 
ably revealed in sermonising writings, in widespread 
criminal confederations, even in single deeds of horror ; 
and to take into serious consideration the means where- 
by to secure order and peace, respect for laws and con- 
fidence in Governments, general contentment, and the 
undisturbed enjoyment of all the benefits which, under 
the protection of a durable, secure peace, would fall to 
the share of the German nation from the hand of their 

The source of the evil — to limit the further progress 
of which is at present the sacred duty of all the Ger- 
man Governments — lies partly, indeed, in the circum- 
stances and relations of the time, on which no Govern- 
ment can immediately act, but it partly depends on 
definite needs, errors and abuses, which may certainly 
be amended by united action and well-considered mea- 

Among the subjects which in this latter respect re- 
quire the closest and most careful consideration the 
following are most prominent: — 

1. The uncertainty with regard to the meaning and 
misunderstanding? of Article XIII. of the Act of Con- 
federation ; 

2. Incorrect ideas of . the powers of the existing 
Assembly of the Bund, and inadequate means of im- 
proving those powers ; 

ARTICLE Xni. 311 

3. The defects of the school and university systems ; 

4. The abuse of the press, and especially the dis- 
orders excited by newspapers, journals, and pamphlets. 

It is the most earnest wish of his Majesty that the 
assembly of the Bund should occupy itself immediately 
with these important matters. And the Presidential 
Embassy is hence appointed to impart these designs for 
measures concerning the four points above mentioned, 
and also to nominate a central commission, whose object 
and business will be more fully shown in the course of 
this Eeport. 

His Majesty is convinced that the members of the 
Bund will see once more in these plans and in the 
accompanying remarks those principles of justice and 
moderation which his Imperial Majesty has always 
taken for his guide, and that the weU-disposed in all the 
German States will misunderstand neither the pure and 
benevolent views which have exclusively guided his 
Majesty, nor the straightforward, hearty, and unalter- 
able participation in the general lot of the States called 
by the Bund to equal advantages, equal duties, and 
equal efforts. 

/. Uncertain Meaning of Article XIII. of the Act of 


When the illustrious originators of the German 
Bund determined, at the time of Germany's pohtical 
regeneration, to give their people a pledge of their love 
and confidence by the preservation or reconstruction of 
representative Diets, and to this end signed Article XIII. 
of the Act of Confederation, they certainly foresaw that 
this article could not be fully carried out to the same ex- 
tent and in the same form in all the States of the Bund. 
The great difference in the position of the States of the 


Bund — of which at tliat dme some retained their old 
provincial representative institutions wholly or in part ; 
others had possessed but entirely lost them ; while others 
again had never had such institutictns, or lost them in 
the earliest ages — must necessarily lead to as great a 
difference in the management of this important affair. 
This difference was greatly increased by a new arrange- 
ment of territorial boundaries, by the union of States 
dissimilarly constituted into one common State, and by 
the fusion of districts to whom representative institu- 
tions were more or less foreign with provinces where 
they had existed for ages. 

In this respect, not only the founders of the Bund 
but also afterwards the Princes of the Bund of that 
time hesitated to listen to the wish everywhere expressed 
(and most loudly at the Diet) that for the formation 
of the above-named representative institutions men- 
tioned in Article XIII. a general standard might be 
determined upon. If from the non-fulfilment of this 
wish many evils arose for Germany, yet it would be 
unjust to mistake the motive which caused this silence 
of the Bund on this important point — namely, respect 
for the ricrht of each State of the Bund to re2:ulate 
their internal affairs according to their own views — 
and the fear lest by vigorously outspoken general prin- 
ciples, single States of the Bund should be tlirown into 
confusion, and perhaps into indissoluble difficulties. 

But the founders of the German Bund could never 
have supposed that constructions would be placed on 
Article XIII. in contradiction to its plain words, or that 
results should be drawn from it which reversed, not only 
Article XIII., but the whole text of the Act of Confede- 
ration in all its chief provisions, and rendered the con- 
tinuance even of the Bund in the highest degree pro- 

AETicLE xni. 313 

blematical. Never could they have supposed that the 
unambiguous principle of representation by Diets (on 
the coniirmation of which they laid so much value) 
should be changed into pure democratic principles and 
forms, and claims be grounded on this misunderstanding 
incompatible with the existence of monarchical States, 
which (with the unimportant exception of the free towns 
belonging to this body) are the only constituent parts of 
the Bund, as will appear immediately or in a very short 
time must be made plain. 

As little ground did there seem to be for the fear 
that anyone in Germany would ever harbour the idea 
of curtailing the substantive rights and attributes of the 
Bund itself by means of the provincial Diets, or that it 
was really attempted to sever . the only band by which 
one German State is bound to the others, and the whole 
of Germany united with the European system. Yet all 
these sad misunderstandings and errors have not only 
developed during late years, but, by an unfortunate 
chain of circumstances, have taken such a hold on the 
pubhc mind that the true meaning of Article XIII. has 
been quite lost sight of. The daily increasing tendency 
to fruitless or dangerous theories ; the influence of de- 
luded writers, or of those who flatter the popular folly ; 
the foolish cravings ; the institutions of foreign countries, 
whose present political form is as unlike that of Germany 
as their whole former history is from ours — the desire 
to plant on German soil these and many other similar 
and mostly deplorable causes have produced that general 
political confusion of language which threatens to con- 
sume this grand and noble nation, once so gloriously 
distinguished for solidity and sense. These causes have, 
even to many members of the Diets, so obscured the 
standpoint on which they were constitutionally placed, 


and so destroyed the limits of their true efficiency, that 
the Government itself is hindered and disturbed in the 
fulfilment of its most essential duties. 

The grounds which had formerly decided the Bund 
not to interfere directly in the affairs of single States of 
the Bund must now make place for higher considera- 
tions. If the German Bund is not to be destroyed, if 
Germany is not to abandon its rights and well-being to 
all the horrors of internal divisions, lawless caprice, and 
incurable disorder, it must secure a firm and universally 
recognised foundation for its future institutions. Hence 
it must be the first and most pressing business of the 
Bund to enter upon a thorough explanation and inter- 
pretation of Article XIII. of the Act of Confederation, 
in a way applicable to all the States of the Bund in 
whatever position they may now be, and this derived, 
not from popular theories or foreign models, but from 
German ideas, German rights, and German history, and 
above all by the maintenance of the monarchical prin- 
ciple to which Germany can never be unfaithful, and 
the maintenance of the Bund, as the only support of her 
independence and her peace. 

In all the States of the Bund where the provincial 
Diets are not firmly established, the work must be put in 
hand without further delay, and, indeed, with redoubled 
activity, so desirable is it to prevent new misunderstand- 
ings and to facilitate a final agreement on the carrying 
out of Article XIII. by the works relating to the pro- 
vincial Diets already introduced into many of the States 
of the Bund ; and so imperative is it that no resolution 
should be taken which in any way whatever is in con- 
tradiction to the views here expressed, and to the ex- 
planation of that Article which may be very shortly 
expected from the Assembly of the Bund. 


//. The Powers of the Bund and the Means of carrying 

them out. 

It lies in the very idea and existence of the German 
Assembly of the Bund that the authority represented by 
it constitutes tlie supreme legislative power in Germany 
in everything relating to the self-preservation and essen- 
tial aims of the Bund, as is set forth in Article II. of the 
Act of Confederation. Hence it follows that the resolu- 
tions of the Assembly, in so far as they have for their 
objects the inward security of the whole, the independ- 
ence and inviolability of single members of the Bund 
and the maintenance of the legally existing order in- 
separable from both, must be of universal obhgatory 
force, and that the carrying out of such resolutions 
must not be opposed by any isolated legislation or any 
separate resolution. Without a firm and vigorous main- 
tenance of these principles the existence and duration of 
the Bund is not to be thought of as possible. The 
further development, as well as the definition of the 
powers and attributes of the Diet in general, must be 
reserved for further deliberations on the improvement 
and maintenance of all the conditions established by the 
Bund. Meanwhile it will be at once admitted on all 
sides that (and this the deliberations will prove) the 
great principle cannot in itself be observed, nor can the 
laws and resolutions of the Bund have any guarantee 
for their operation, if the Assembly of the Bund has not 
entrusted to it the means and strength to carry them 
out. The composition of an executive law with this 
object must therefore be one of the chief objects of the 
dehberations above mentioned; and his Majesty believes 
he may take for granted the fullest agreement among 



his allies in the Bund as to the urgent necessity for such 
a law. 

Since, however, the Diet should not be left without 
the necessary means for the administration and execu- 
tion of such resolutions and measures as the internal 
safety of Germany requires, the Imperial and Eoyal 
Presidential -Embassy is authorised to submit for imme- 
diate examination and deliberation the draft of a pro- 
visional executive law drawn up with express regard to 
Article 11. of the Act of Confederation. 

///. The Defects of the School and University Systems. 

The attention of tlie Assembly of the Bund, as 
of individual German Governments, was long ago 
directed to this object, with the exceeding importance 
of which all Germany is penetrated. A sound and 
salutary direction of the educational institutions in 
general, but especially of the universities which imme- 
diately prepare the entrance into practical life, will be 
considered in every State one of the chief matters for 
the royal care. But the German Governments he under 
pecuhar obhgations and more than ordinary respon- 
sibility in tliis respect : in the first place, because in 
Germany the education for the public services and for 
official life is entirely left to the universities ; and then 
because these universities are a principal member in 
the whole union of Germans, and as the good which 
emanates from them is spread over the whole nation, so 
also their defects are felt more or less at every point in 
Germany ; lastly, because Germany has to thank her 
universities (famous from of old) for part of the reputa- 
tion and consequent rank in the European commonwealth 
which up to this time it has happily maintained, and in 


the unabridged maintenance of wliich his Majesty on 
his side takes the warmest and most active interest. 

That the true position of the German universities, 
with some well-known and honourable exceptions, no 
longer corresponds with the reputation gained in better 
times can hardly be doubted. For some time past, 
sensible and right-thinking men have remarked and 
deplored that these institutions have lost their original 
character and deviated from the objects aimed at by 
their illustrious founders and supporters. Carried away 
by the stream of agitation, the greater part of the aca- 
demic professors have mistaken the true ends of the 
universities, and substituted for them those that are 
capricious and often injurious. Instead (as was their 
first duty) of training the youth confided to them for 
the service of tlie State to which they were called, and 
awakening in them a sense of what is expected of tliem 
by the fatherland to which they belong, they had 
followed the phantom of a so-called cosmopolitan culti- 
vation, filled the minds so susceptible alike to both 
truth and error with empty dreams, and inspired them, 
if not with bitterness, yet with contempt and opposition 
to legally established order. 

By this perverted course they have gradually, to the 
great prejudice of the common welfare and injury to the 
rising generation, engendered the obscuring of the 
higher wisdom, contempt for all positive teaching, and a 
pretension to reform social order after a pecuhar untried 
system, till a considerable number of the youth who 
ouglit to be learners have transformed themselves into 
teachers and reformers. This dangerous degeneracy of 
the universities has not escaped the notice of the Ger- 
man Governments in the past, but partly from tlieir 
praiseworthy wish not to restrict the freedom of teaching 


SO long as it did not encroach on civil matters, partly 
from the troubles and pressure of a twenty years' war 
they were prevented from combating the evil with 
sound remedies. 

But in our days, under the beneficial influence of 
restored external peace and the hearty and active efforts 
of so many German sovereigns to prepare a happy 
future for their people, it may fairly be expected that 
the universities should return to those limits within 
which they formerly worked so gloriously for the 
Fatherland and for mankind. Yet from this very 
quarter proceed the most determined hostilities to the 
principles and rules on which repose the present institu- 
tions and the internal peace of Germany. Whether by 
criminal co-operation, or by inexcusable carelessness, 
the noblest powers and efforts of youth are abused by 
being made the tools of extravagant political schemes 
which are not the. less mischievous because they are 
weak. These dangerous courses have, indeed, led to 
deeds which disgrace the German name, and further 
indulgence would degenerate into culpable weakness, 
while indifference to further abuses of such a distorted 
academic liberty would render the whole German Go- 
vernments answerable before the world and to posterity. 

Certain as it is that, in the present grave position of 
affairs, every other consideration must give way to the 
maintenance of public order, the Governments of the 
States of the Bund will not lose sight of the great ques- 
tion how to remedy the deep-seated abuses of the edu- 
cational systems in general, and especially to prevent the 
further estrangement of the universities from their 
original and only beneficial ends ; and his Majesty there- 
fore holds that the Assembly of the Bund is bound to 
occupy itself with questions equally important for learn- 


ing and for public life, for the welfare of families and 
the strength of Governments, and not to desist until a 
sound and happy result has been gained by their efforts. 
But, in the first place, the evil immediately threaten- 
ing must be met, and care taken that by efficient mea- 
sures foolish enthusiasts or declared enemies to existing 
order may not seek in the present distressing state of 
many of the German universities further materials for 
the excitement of men's minds, deluded instruments for 
the execution of senseless plans, or weapons to turn 
against the personal safety of citizens. His Majesty has 
therefore no scruple, in consequence of the provisional 
authority granted by the Bund in this affair, in offering 
the annexed sketch of some preKminary measures for 
the immediate consideration and further dehberation of 
the Assembly. 

IV. Abuses of the Press. 

The Press in general, especially that branch of it 
which supplies the journals, newspapers, and pamphlets, 
has of late years enjoyed perfect liberty in nearly every 
part of Germany : for even where the Government has 
had the right to Hmit it by preventive measures, the 
efficiency of such measures has been enfeebled by the 
power of circumstances, and consequently opened a 
wide field to all kinds of further extravagance. 

The countless evils which the abuse of this hberty 
has spread over Germany have been seriously increased 
since the publication in different States of the proceed- 
ings of the Diets, including subjects which ought not to 
leave the sacred keeping of the Senate and appear 
before the world but in a regular and solemn form, nor 
serve as the sport of idle curiosity and careless criticism, 
preparing new food for the rashness of authors, and 


affording a pretext to newspaper scribblers to raise their 
voices on subjects wliicli cause doubt and difficulty to 
the greatest statesmen. How far these injurious pre- 
tensions would at last extend, what confusion of ideas, 
what fermentation of minds, what degradation of autho- 
rity, what strife of passions, what fanatical errors, what 
crimes shall proceed from it, need not be further insisted 
on, and there can hardly be any difference of opinions 
among the well-disposed and really enhghtened portion 
of the German nation on so notorious an evil. 

The peculiarity of the relations in which the States 
of the Bund stand to one another gives to the dangers 
connected with the licence of the press a power and 
extent which they can never have in States where the 
supreme power is united in one and the same centre, 
and excludes the employment of the legal means by 
which in these States an endeavour is made to check 
the abuse of the press. A confederation of States hke 
that which is formed in Germany with the sanction 
of all the European Powers is wanting in that mighty 
counterweight which in close monarchies protects pubhc 
order from the attacks of presumptuous or evil-disposed 
authors. In such a confederation peace, harmony and 
confidence can only be maintained by the greatest 
mutual care in averting troubles and difficulties. From 
this high point of view, with which the lawgivers of 
other lands have nothing in common, must the questions 
connected with the freedom of the press in Germany be 
considered. Only in a position of the most perfect peace 
can Germany, with its federal constitution, endure the 
unlimited freedom of the press in so far as it is specially 
united with that constitution. The present moment is 
less suited .for it than any other, for the efforts of so 
many Governments to secure the present and future 


welfare of their peoples by good institutions cannot, 
amid a wild discord of opinions, possibly succeed in 
the midst of a disorganised contest, which shatters all 
principles, and throws doubt and suspicion on all truth. 
The temporary measures to be taken against the 
abuse of the press under these pressing circumstances 
must in no wise hinder tlie activity of useful and excel- 
lent authors, fetter the natural progress of the human 
mind, or hinder communication or information of any 
kind, so long as it only keeps within the limits which 
no legislation has yet permitted itself to overstep. That 
the supervision of periodical writings shall not de- 
generate into oppression is guaranteed by the feehng 
which is openly expressed by all the German Govern- 
ments on this occasion, and no friend of truth and order 
need fear the reproach that any tyranny over men's 
minds is intended. But the necessity for such super- 
vision can no longer remain in doubt, and since his 
Majesty may expect from all the Governments a har- 
mony of views on this important matter, the Presidential 
Embassy is commissioned to lay before the Assembly of 
the Bund the annexed sketch of a provisional resolution 
for the avoidance of the abuse of the press in regard to 
newspapers, journals, and pamphlets, for their immediate 
examination and dehberation. 

 V. Nomination of a Central Investigation Commission. 

Next to the resolutions and deliberations mentioned 
in the last section of the Report, there may still be neces- 
sary a measure both for the protection of public order 
and the calming of all the well-disposed in Germany, 
which his Majesty commends to the immediate conside- 
ration of the Assembly of the Bund. 



The discoveries which have been made in different 
States of the Bund at the same time have shown traces 
of a widespread and in several parts of Germany 
active union, with many ramifications, each more or 
less matured, whose continued efforts seem to be di- 
rected, not merely to the greatest possible spreading 
abroad of fanatical, dangerous, and revolutionary doc- 
trines, but even to the encouragement and preparation 
of mischievous schemes. If the extent and connection 
of these criminal intrigues are not yet thoroughly known, 
yet the mass of facts, documents, and other evidence 
already collected is so considerable that the operation 
of the evil is no longer to be doubted. Opinions will 
always be divided as to the greatness of the danger ; 
it is enough that such sad errors should gain so 
much ground in Germany, that so considerable a 
number of individuals should actually be led astray, and 
that, even if the whole may be considered only as a 
malady of the mind, the neglect of the necessary reme- 
dies may bring with it the most dangerous consequences. 

A thorough investigation of the matter is therefore 
of unavoidable necessity. It must in one way or another 
lead to a beneficial result, for tlie really guilty will, if 
the suspicion is confirmed, be disarmed and brought to 
justice, and the deluded will have their eyes opened to 
see the abyss near which they stand, and Germany will 
be placed in a position neither to be deceived as to 
real dangers and cradled in false security, nor disturbed 
and misled by exaggerated cares. 

But if these investigations are to be successful, they 
i|iust be made by the Diet as the common centre, 
and conducted under its immediate supervision. The 
intrigues and schemes already discovered are directed 
quite as much against the existence of the German Bund 


as against individual German Princes 'and States ; conse- 
quently, the Diet is unquestionably both competent and 
by Article IT. of the Act of Confederation strictly bound 
to take cognisance thereof. Moreover, a central autho- 
rity so constituted is far more competent than single 
Governments to arrange the data already prepared and 
to collect what has still to be ascertained, to examine 
them with justice and impartiality, and to take a 
comprehensive view of the whole state of the case. 
Lastly, by the official publication of the whole proceed- 
ings at the close of the investigation by the autho- 
rities, the fear will be most effectually averted that the 
innocent should be suspected, or the guilty escape pun- 
ishment, and in any case an end will thus be put to 
many doubts, anxieties, and restless agitations. 

These are the grounds on which his Majesty is im- 
pelled to propose the appointment of a central commis- 
sion of investigation with the objects here described, 
and the Presidential Embassy is directed to lay the 
annexed sketch of a resolution on these measures before 
the Assembly of the Bund for their immediate con- 

* In the ' instructions ' sent to Count Buol, at the eame time as the 
above presidential Proposition, Count Metternich shows that ' the Cabinet ' 
assembled in Carlsbad ' have agreed to give similar instructions to their 
ambassadors to the Diet, instructing them to agree to the Presidential pro- 
posal, and to declare their assent to the resolutions drawn up.' These were, 
in fact, four sketches or plans for resolutions — namely, (a) a provisional 
executive statute, (h) provisional measures regarding the universities, (c) a 
law regulating the press, and (d) the appointment of a central commission 
of investigation in Majence — and at the sitting of the Diet at Frankfurt on 
September 20, 1819, were unanimously adopted and officially published for 
the general information in the different States of the Bund ; which makes it 
unnecessary to include them in this work, as the substantial contents of this 
codification is known to the reader without this, by the present document. — 

y 2 



Letter of Thanks from the Ministers assembled at Carlsbad 
to Prince Metternich^ Carlsbad^ August 30, 1819. 

355. Most gracious Prince. Your Excellency 
will not refuse, at the last moment of our present 
memorable meeting, to give to one and all of us the 
pleasure of offering you the unanimous expression of 
our unbounded respect and gratitude. 

If we may venture to hope that the difficult and 
honourable task to which you summoned us has been 
fulfilled in a manner not displeasing to you, we have 
to thank your prudent guidance, youi'* ceaseless efforts, 
and the confidence you have so kindly shown in us and 
have also so implicitly received. 

When you, on the other side of the Alps, heard the 
audacious, fatally prophetic clamour of licentious 
writers, and the news of a crime in which superficial or 
prejudiced observers could see only an isolated action, 
you discerned with equal clearness the depth of the 
evil and the means of meeting it, and what we have 
here achieved and called into life is only the realisation 
of what you then designed. 

Tlie results of our efforts lie mostly beyond our 
calculation, but you have secured for us a rich harvest 
in the feeling that we have, by the results of our de- 
liberations, prepared for our august masters the means 
of fulfilling their most sacred and indispensable duty 
towards the common fatherland. 

Accept, your Excellency, the assurance of our 
unalterable and devoted respect. 

Carlsbad, August 30, 1819. 

(Signed) Bernstorff, Eechberg, Stainlein, Schulen- 
BURG, Graf Muis'ster, Hardenberg, Winzingerode, 
Berstett, Munchhausen, Marschall, Plessen 


Metternich to the Prince Regent of England^ Carlsbad^ 

September 2, 1819. 

356. Sire, — I am too sensible of the favour which 
your Eoyal Highness deigns to bestow on me, to deny 
myself the satisfaction of offering my congratulations 
on the happy agreement established between the Ger- 
man Cabinets at Carlsbad, and the expression of my 
thanks for the support which the ministers of your 
Eoyal Highness have given to all the measures which I 
have been able to propose. A new era is beginning, 
and it will be an era of salvation if the German Courts 
do not go beyond the Hmits assigned to them. 

Your Eoyal Highness foresaw the importance of the 
subjects wliich might be submitted to the discussion 
which I had arranged to take place on my return from 
Italy, and you furnished a signal proof of this by sending 
Count Minister to Carlsbad. Your Eoyal Highness is 
always sure to be met in the path of those prin- 
ciples which would have achieved the great Avork if 
they had not so often been lost sight of in many nego- 
tiations of the years 1813 up to the disastrous epoch of 
1815. Therefore it remains to me to make a request to 
your Eoyal Highness, to the fulfilment of which I 
attach a very high value. Questions of as great an 
interest for the Germanic Confederation as those we have 
just settled have been reserved for the conferences 
which will open at Vienna on November 20 of the 
present year. Less urgent in their execution, but not 
less useful in their consequences, these questions will 
need to be strongly supported by the Courts who wish 
to do good, because they are above petty fears, petty 
jealousies, and many lower motives which generally 
interrupt the development of useful institutions. You 


must not, then, be surprised, sire, if I. consider the 
direct support of Count Miinster in the course of the 
negotiations of Vienna a real benefit. My wish is 
simple — it is only tliat the action of Austria may thus 
be strengthened. I do not beheve that our next confer- 
ences can extend beyond six weeks, but those will count 
for much in the future existence of the Confederation. 

Permit me, sire, to take the present opportunity of 
entreating your Eoyal Highness to continue the gracious 
favour with which j^ou have long deigned to honour 
me, and which is due to my devotion for your august 
person. Deign, &c. &c. 

Metternich to Esterhazy in London^ Konigswart^ 
September 3, 1819. 

357. The assembled ministers at Carlsbad have 
just terminated their business. I had the honour to 
inform you, at the time of my arrival in this town, of 
the object which called me here. It is with very lively 
satisfaction that I can now assure you that all I wished 
to submit to the common dehberation of the principal 
German Cabinets has received their unanimous sanction. 

A great affair has, perhaps, never been treated with 
more harmony and agreement in all its parts than that 
which we are just bringing to an end. The evils which 
menace the repose of Germany have been examined 
wdth calmness and candour. The German Cabinets 
have met together there as if they were members of one 
and the same family. They have placed thorough con- 
fidence in the wise and steadfast principles which direct 
the pohtical and administrative steps of the Emperor. 
The results of the harmony which is established between 
the Governments will operate usefully on the present 
and future measures of the Diet ; and I allow myself to 


entertain great hopes of the influence which may be 
brought to bear on the whole of Europe by this first 
examjjle of tlie maintenance of monarchical principles 
by a political body so imposing as the Germanic Con- 

The labours of the Conference mav be divided into 
two parts, which include all the most essential objects 
of the Confederation. 

The first bears on the measures to oppose to the 
demagogic spirit, which has made immense progress in 
Germany wdthin the last two or three years. 

The second bears on the organic laws of the Con- 
federation, which are most essential to strengthen and 
complete the existence of this great political body. 

The measures of the greatest interest at the present 
moment will be proposed at the Diet by the President 
about the 15th of this month. It was necessary to 
permit a fortnight to elapse between the definite agree- 
ment of the majority of the federal Courts and the pro- 
position at the Diet, in order to allow time to inform 
those princes who were not represented at Carlsbad 
of the result of the conferences, and to enable them 
to give the necessary orders to their ambassadors at 
Frankfurt, so that they may add their votes to those of 
the majority. 

The organic laws agreed on in principle will be dis- 
cussed in detail at a second meeting of the Cabinets, 
which will take place at Vienna after November 15. 
The Federal Diet will adjourn after having made the 
first Imperial propositions into laws, and it will be 
enabled to sanction at the opening of the session of 1820, 
and in constitutional forms, the resolutions adopted by 
the majority in the conferences at Vienna during f!he 
vacation of the Diet. . . . 


I beg you to present the enclosed letter to his Eoyal 
Highness (No. 356). I have taken the hberty of ad- 
dressing him directly, to thank him for the support I 
received from Counts Munster and Hardenberg at a 
most decisive time for the salvation of Europe. There 
ought to be nothing surprising in seeing the ministers 
of his Royal Highness on all occasions professing the 
same principles as those of our august master the Em- 
peror — the only ones which may yet be able to arrest 
the torrent of the revolution. It is nevertheless rare, 
in the progress of a very complicated affair, considering 
the essence of the German federation, to meet with 
Courts so indissolubly united as our own and that of 
Hanover. If this fact is perhaps connected with the 
position of the two Courts, the men who are charged 
with the defence of such great interests are not the less 
meritorious if they strictly follow the line most favour- 
able to the interest of their prince and their country, 
and consequently the most consonant with their duty. 

I cannot doubt that the Cabinet of St. James's will 
give its assent to the result of our labours at Carlsbad, 
as well as to those which have been merely sketched 
out. • 

The scenes which many towns in England present 
show what partisans folly has gained. The easiest trade 
and the most certain of success during the last few years 
has been that of rebellion against social order, against 
the laws existincr in all civilised countries, and ajjainst 
reason founded on the experience of all time. A grand 
example of vigour has just been given in Germany, 
which must resound in every corner of Europe. It will 
give an impetus to minds whose principles are most 
opposite ; the effect whicli it produces will be different 
according as more or less strength, calmness, and wis- 


dom is displayed by tlie Governments. We already begin 
to see that many men who quite recently hoisted the 
democratic colours are retiring little by little from the 
scene ; there are even some who secretly offer their 
services in favour of the cause which we defend, and a 
simple meeting of the Cabinets sufficed to accomphsh 
this, without their resolutions being even known ! The 
gauntlet, besides, was thrown down by the revolutionists ; 
we have had the courage to pick it up, and I beg you 
to assure the English ministers that I flatter myself I 
am personally sufficiently well known to them to allow 
me to admit that they are not mistaken as to the nature 
of the principles which we are opposing to the revolu- 
tionists, and the energy which we shall display in the 
conduct of the affair. 

Mettemich to Freiherr von Hruhy, Austrian Ambassador 
at Mu7iich, Vienna, October 25, 1819. 

358. I lost no time in laying before the Emperor 
your Excellency's Eeport. His Majesty is deeply agitated 
by its contents, and thinks it well to write to the King 
himself. This letter your Excellency will find enclosed 
in this. 

At the audience which you will request you will 
have a convenient opportunity of imparting to his Ma- 
jesty clearly and openly the views of the Emperor, as 
follows : — 

Your Excellency cannot describe too vigorously the 
impression made upon his Imperial Majesty by the 
strength which has been shown by his Majesty the King 
in time past, as well as in contrast to the attacks of the 
revolutionary party against the Carlsbad decrees. The 
Emperor conjures the King to continue firm, and not to 


allow himself to be overcome by the intrigues of that 
party. What that party desires (their words may be as 
hypocritical as possible) has been made evident to the 
King by the proceedings of the Chambers. 

The Carlsbad decrees are directed against all the 
evils experienced at present. They are the result of the 
voluntary agreement of the German Princes ; they were 
called together by their own feehng of danger ; the 
Emperor had not summoned them to the council for his 
own needs or his own danger : he had spoken and acted 
only for the general good. He was placed above the 
crowd ; he must help it to rise or he must separate from 
it, and what the common efforts cannot save, he must 
save for itself. 

The King is deluded ; he risks his sovereignty. He 
will never be endangered by the means used to secure 
his rights but by the weakness of the Governmental mea- 
sures. How lonof has tlie word of a demao-osfue or 

o o o 

wrong-seeing speculator deserved more attention than 
his own experience ? The King should remember the 
fine promises which were made to him before the Con- 
gress by the Chambers, and their results. 

It is said that the King cannot perjure himself. No, 
never ! How thoroughly the Emperor feels this he has 
shown by the answer he commanded me to give to the 
question. What Avould Austria say to the overthrow of 
the Government ? But if it is shown that the Bavarian 
Government requires some alteration in its different 
parts to secure to the Crown, and consequently to the 
people, justice and peace, the King will find means in 
the sovereign assembly of German Princes itself to bring 
into harmony all the parts of a work so important for 

All the laws after September 20 are nothing but 


means for the security of the much-threatened peace in 
Germany. What is wanted here is some remedy, some 
repose, some principle. Help can only come from pro- 
portionate remedies, and a State which excludes itself 
from the general necessities exposes itself and the 
community to inevitable dangers — dangers the im- 
mediate consequences of which are incalculable if they 
are encouraged by the miscarriage of the measures 
already decided on. 

Lastly, your Excellency is authorised to draw his 
Majesty's attention to the Emperor's position in the affair. 
His Imperial Majesty has already bestowed his protec- 
tion, and only demands to be supported faithfully as far 
as hes in the King's power. He demands this as a friend 
of the King, of his throne, and of his peace. . . . 

3Ietternich to Freiherr von Hriiby, Vienna, 
Oct. 25, 1819. 

359. I have no cause to be surprised at anything 
we may live to see in Munich. This Court has for years 
gone on in this ever vacillating way, and would still 
have followed that course but for the iron hand of Na- 
poleon, who knew how to enchain it by prospects of 
advantage. So soon as the first had lost his strength, 
and the second had disappeared, the Bavarian Court 
turned round. . . . 

If you think it would be at all useful, invite his Ex- 
cellency Marshal Wrede to come here himself. I fear 
no one to whom I can speak face to face. 

Your Excellency can say to Count Eechberg, with- 
out reserve, that we have received through couriers 
from Warsaw the excellent declarations of the Emperor 
of Eussia in re^^ard to the course of affairs at Carlsbad ; 


that the only objection he made to those beneficial 
measures was an expression of fear lest the German 
Princes should carry thern out partially and feebly, since 
most of them had long since lost all power of govern- 
ment. ... 



Extracts from Metternich's private Letters from September 3 to 
December 22, 1819. 

360. Pleasant feelings — portrait of Metternicli as a boy of five — character- 
istics described by himself. 361. Making bridges and roads at Konigs- 
■wart. 362. Recollections of 1813. 363. Return to Vienna. 364. 
Marshal Maruiont. 365. Views on the Carlsbad decree. 366. The 
final decree at Vienna. 367. Commemoration of the Battle of Leipsic — 
Napoleon — Metternich's memoirs. 368, Commencement of the Con- 
ferences in Vienna — speech of Talleyrand's. 369. The Conferences. 370. 
Reflections on Metternich's activity — a German deputation demand Met- 
ternich's head. 371. On novels. 372. Progress of the Conferences. 
873. A tedious day. 

360. Kmigswart, Sept 3, 1819. — The peace and 
quiet reigning here all around me, excite the pleasantest 
feelings in my heart. I do not belong to those who 
think that movement is the object of life. There is a 
very grave tinge about the place where I hve. The neigh- 
bourhood is rich in picturesque spots. Enormous forests, 
high mountains, wide valleys, much water, lovely streams 
surround a well-furnished house pleasant to live in, con- 
taining old family pictures, among which there is a 
portrait of myself as a boy of five years old. I must 
have been a most ill-favoured child, or the painter not 
extremely clever.* 

The weather is horrible. This high ground is 
always either cold or rainy ; it would inspire Lord Byron 
with a truly melancholy poem. Whether the English 
poet will honour Vienna next winter with a visit, as is 

• This portrait is still at Konigswart. — Ed. 


reported, I leave still undecided. JSTear the good town 
of Vienna, too, I am always uneasy. I do not love it for 
its own sake, and still less for my own. But if heaven 
listens to my secret wishes, I shall end with leaving 
Vienna very willingly. So it is with all places where 
people live — they are nothing in themselves, but every- 
thing from circumstances. Then, too, there is nothing 
in Konigswart to attach me, not one remembrance, and 
perhaps, too, no particular thought — unless, perhaps, 
the thought that one day my ashes will be brought here 
to repose by those of my father. I do not, however, 
find anything sad in this idea, for I believe and heartily 
trust in God. I shall be regretted by many of the 
great and good — execrated by those who are neither. 
The standpoint from which I have thought and acted 
is of such a height that my name remains identified 
with great events, for the very reason that I had 
the misfortune to live in a period of revolution. 

This period will pass away like all human folly. 
Happy tliey who have known how to maintain them- 
selves upright amidst the ruins of generations ! I have 
arrived at the middle of the life of a generation, and 
fate has laid upon me tlie task of warning the genera- 
tion now coming to the front and preserving them from 
straying on to the steep incline which would surely lead 
them to their ruin. The Carlsbad epoch is hence one 
of the most important of my life. 

361. Septemher 4. — In the last three years I have 
had a high road, seven miles (German) long, made at my 
own cost, and I have come to a place where it is very 
difiicult to carry it on, across a deep and muddy valley. 
I have therefore had a bridge of three arches constructed, 
which has cost me over 70,000 gulden, and will require 
some 60,000 gulden more. The bridge will be beautiful, 


and very convenient for travellers. Many people, when 
they cross it, would think it had been standing there for 
ever ; but I have had a stone placed on it with an inscrip- 
tion saying that I made the bridge. Of a hundred 
travellers ninety-nine will think the builder must have 
been either a Croesus oi a fool. 

362. Prague^ September 9. — I never come to 
Prague without thinkino; I hear midnio-ht strike. Six 
years ago, at that hour, I dipped my pen to declare 
war with the man of the century — the Man of St. 
Helena — to kindle the beacon which was the signal for 
100,000 men of the alhed troops to cross the frontier. 

363. Vienna, September 14. — ^What the return to 
his own house of a poor man hke me is nobody knows, 
because few people are watched with so much envy 
and jealousy, few so beset, so celebrated, so decried, 
and so praised. Why has fate brought me what I never 
desired, and what (besides its being a womanish fuss) 
seems to me the most horrible of human destinies ? 

364. September 21. — Among the strangers whom 
I have met here is Marshal Marmont, an intellectual 
man, whom I knew very sliglitly. I have talked much 
with him, and I see that he finds me different from what 
he had expected. I can speak with him the more 
openly, as he is here on family affairs only. We 
meet, therefore, as merely private persons. After our 
last conversation, in which for three hours we talked 
over past events, and the present internal condition of 
the country, he said : — ' Since the last time that I heard 
Napoleon speak, before he became mad, this is the first 
reasonable conversation I have heard.' 

365. September 25. — I have just received the news 
from Frankfurt that the child which I have carried nine 
months will at last see tlie light ! Its birtliday falls on 


September 20.* Each party wishes to baptise the child 
by a different name. Some call it a monster, some a 
good work, some a piece of stupidity. Truth lies be-, 
tween them. The first legislative word which has been 
spoken for thirty years, uttered from a sense of reason, 
justice, and experience, without reserve, as well as with- 
out disguise, plain but not dry, with neither mystic nor 
secret meanings, this w^ord is a great fact, one of the 
most important of my life. If the world thinks that I 
am right, I shall rejoice ; if it thinks I am wrong, I will 
excuse it beforehand. Nothing is so free as man's 
thought, and certain shades in it even contribute to the 
charm of life and its relations — relations which give to life 
its greatest value. My part is, moreover, not doubtful. 
I have never worn a mask, and those who have mis- 
taken me must have very bad eyes. My resolution is 
taken. Nothing can turn me from it, as nothing can 
drive me in a direction I do not wish to take. Shall I 
succeed ? By God, I know not ! 

366. October 13. — I fall from one pregnancy into 
another. Hardly have I returned from Carlsbad than a 
new labour is prepared for me within three months. My 
Carlsbad child is ill-tempered : it fights and bites ; it deals 
heavy blows at many bad people, and more fools. My 
Vienna child will be gentle and well mannered, but 
horribly tiresome.f Why must I, of all people among so 
many millions, be the one to think where others do not 
think, to act where no one else will act, and write because 
no one else can ? And what will be the end of it to me ? 
I am really a slave, with a heart full of disgust. A 
function is laid upon me which takes me away from 

• See No. 354. 

t This refers to the Ministerial Conference at Vienna. See No. 374. — 


everything that is according to my taste, and embitters 
the happiness of Hfe. If ever you meet with a really 
ambitious man — and they are rare — send him to me. I 
will talk with him for a couple of hours, and he will be 
cured for some time. 

367. October 18. — I write to you to-day on the 
anniversary of the greatest event of modern history. 
This day six years ago the fate of the world was decided. 
Napoleon would, however, have been as entirely lost 
without the battle of Leipsic as he was after it. But 
this day enhghtened the world, and will always be 
looked upon in the annals of history as the turning- 
point of that memorable epoch, showing the beginning 
of a new era. The hand of God was armed with twenty 
nations to subdue one man, who, to master a people 
whom he had placed above all other peoples, had put 
himself above all other men. My soul was never more 
filled with holy reverence than during the course of that 
long day, which I passed between the dead and dying. 
Yet peace was in me and around me. Napoleon could 
not have had a similar feeling ; on that day he must 
have experienced a foretaste of the Last Judgment. 

You said lately that you were reading with great 
interest Napoleon's correspondence. You are quite 
right. This correspondence and the ' Memoire de Ste. 
Helene' * are doubtless, of all the writings which have 
lately appeared, the most worthy to engage the attention 
of the enlightened. The correspondence gives a picture 
of the most marvellous man the world has ever seen ; 
it gives his picture at the moment of his ascent, and 
every letter of Napoleon's shows that the upward move- 
ment was quite a natural one, and arose from the force 
of circumstances itself. The manuscript from St. Helena, 

• See vol. i. p. 312. 


on the contrary, includes everything that explains his 
decline. It is remarkable that the causes of his neces- 
sary and inevitable downfall are the same which bore 
him to the summit of power and military fame. 

I 2:>assed the grandest years of his hfe with Napoleon 
or near him. I think few men have known him better 
than I, because I have not confined myself to bare symp- 
toms, but have endeavoured to discover their foundation. 
When I saw that the whole power for good and evil was 
embodied in that one man, I could do no otherwise than 
study him, and only him. Circumstances placed me 
near this man ; they have, so to speak, chained me to 
him. Hence my study of him was thorough, and every 
day taught me that it was complete. After my death 
a very interesting memoir will be found of this man and 
his influence on the events of his age.* I say his age, 
because tliis age really belongs to him. By the writings 
I leave behind me many circumstances will certainly be 
explained, many doubts dispelled, and many errors rec- 
tified. For many years I have written and laboured at 
this work. I shall complete it, for I have already made 
considerable progress, but it will not be published 
for tliirty or forty years, because I will first give time 
for the death of living persons. This work is one of 
my favourite employments ; it includes the time from 
tlie year 1806 till after the Peace of Paris in 1815. 
Of these nine years I know much. It is hardly possible 
that anyone should now know all that I knew. I con- 
clude my work with the year 1815, because everything 
which came after that belongs to ordinary history.f 
Since that date the age was left to itself; it progresses 
because it cannot be held back ; but led it will never be 

* See tlie ' Portrait of Napoleon,' vol. i. p. 269.— Ed, 

t Thia may explain the gap which is found in the Memoirs after 1816. 


again. It is more agreeable to me, during the rest of 
my life, to amplify my notes on tliis period of nine years 
than to compile a new memoir on the later period, 
which has become a simple story. We have fallen 
upon a time when a thousand small calculations and 
small views on the one side, gross mistakes and feeble 
remedies on the other, form the history of the day. The 
sea still runs high, but it is only from the storm which 
has passed over. One may easily upset in such a sea — 
for the wind is more difficult to reckon on than the 
storm — but the spectacle is no longer imposing. 

I have often told you that in writing I follow the 
impulse of the moment ; and to-day I feel this, for I 
fancy I hear tliat noise so strikingly described by the 
expression ' the roar of the battle,' that sound which 
was called forth by the clashing together of tlie strongest 
forces of modern times. The Austrian army alone had 
on the 18th shot off 60,000 cannon balls, and since this 
army represented only a third of the assembled powers, 
one may venture to assert that on that day more than 
300,000 cannon balls must have been fired. Then if we 
reckon twelve to fifteen million musket-shots, and the 
whole distributed in the space of ten hours, some idea 
may be formed of the noise made by the fall of a single 

368. November 25. — I have this day opened the 
Conferences.* I have spoken more than two hours, and 
T am sorry not to have had a shorthand writer at my 
disposal, for if my words were not spoken to the winds, 
unhappily they nevertheless fly like the wind. . . .• 

Talleyrand once said, ' Austria is the House of Lords 
of Europe ; as long as it is not dissolved it will restrain 
the Commons.' A very true saying. 

* See tlie opening speech, No. 379. — Yji. 
Z 2 


369. December 2. — I have found a moment's quiet. 
The business of the Conference proceeds very welL I 
have gone to the root of this matter — a rare tiling in 
moral and pohtical discussions. I told my iive-and- 
twenty friends in an upright and decided manner what 
we want and what we do not want. On this avowal 
there was a general declaration of approval, and each 
one asserted that he had never wanted more or less, or, 
indeed, hardly anything different. Now I am surrounded 
by people who are quite enchanted with their own force 
of will, and yet there is not one among them who a 
few days ago knew what he wants or will want. This 
is the universal fate of such an assembly. It has been 
evident to me for a lono' time that amoncr a certain 
number of persons only one is ever found who has 
clearly made out for himself what is the question in 
hand. I shall be victorious, here, as in Carlsbad : that 
is to say, all will wish what I wish, and since I only 
wish what is just, I believe I shall gain my victory. But 
what is most remarkable is that these men will go home 
in the firm persuasion that they have left Vienna with 
the same views with Avhich they came. 

370. Decemher 15. — Business always requires a cer- 
tain time ; this time will be filled up by the beginning 
of tlie business and by its more or less tedious course, 
and it is generally found that its conclusion is only the 
beginning of a new affair. Of all positions the last is, 
for a man who represents important interests, the most 
vexatious. For eleven years I have been wliat I am, 
certainly far from the beginning of my task ; but twenty 
years remain to me, and then I shall be entitled only to 
ruminate on past affairs, and certainly I shall undertake 
tlie conduct of no great business from the day in which 
I discover in myself irresolution. What have I done 

NOVELS. 341 

during the past eleven years, and what remains for me 
still to do in the next twenty years ? What I have 
hitherto done has been negative : I have fought against 
evil more than effected good. If I consider my task 
from its beginning onwards, I may well be permitted not 
to love those tyrants and fools who, under the names of 
philosophers, philanthropists, socialists, democrats, reli- 
gious fanatics, are nothing, or much worse. 

Up to this time I have met with little opposition ; I 
have sought it in vain, and hitherto have not discovered 
it. Perhaps for that reason a newspaper has brought 
the news that a German deputation is coming here to 
demand my head ! The deputation may lose some time 
about this, but the poor devils would gain very little by 
beheading me, for the cause has made too great a pro- 
gress to be now retarded. Shall an earthquake throw 
down the edifice, or a volcano open beneath our feet ? 
Such catastrophes are beyond our calculation. It will 
ever be the same ! But with my head many others 
would fall, and pi'obably I should see many others fall 
before mine. 

371. December 17. — I have the bad habit of not 
going to sleep without reading for an hour or half an 
hour. I generally, however, read nothing which is con- 
nected with my business. I busy myself with scientific 
literature, discoveries, travels, and simple narratives. 
Novels I never read, unless they have become classics 
and thus have some hterary value. The common novel 
does not interest me ; I always find them far beneath 
what I conceive ; impressive situations come before me 
always too strongly, and I cannot prevent myself from 
looking at the last page — where people are married or 
killed — at the same time as tbe title-page. Then nothing 
is left for me but to say, Amen, and . the romance for 


me is lost. If tlie heroes of a romance are to be ad- 
mired, tliey are no better than I am myself ; if they are 
not- they are indeed worth but little. I have no need 
to learn how people express their feelings. I have 
always been afraid of meeting with empty phrases, where 
my heart would not find a word. . . . My heart 
belongs entirely to me : my head does not ; it is con- 
cerned in the affairs of the world, which were never so 
important for me as happiness. 

372. December 21. — Our affairs here will not extend 
beyond the end of the month of February. Everything 
goes on as I had hoped — indeed, as I predicted. 

373. December 22. — I have passed a very tedious 
day, which seldom happens. Work often fatigues me, 
but tedium kills me outright. I cannot stand great 
dinners, and I have been obliged to be present at one 
which lasted three hours. This is the unpleasant con- 
sequence of a Congress, and one from which, unfortu- 
nately, I cannot escape. Happily, I can be alone in a 
crowd, and the greater the crowd the better I am able to 
isolate myself. 




Metternich to Baron Neumann} in London : Jive letters^ 
from October 31 to December 17, 1819. 

374. Vienna, October d1,1S1^. — .... The great 
German business will be completed here in November. 
All is going on well ; rage is in the enemy's camp ; it 
vents itself in lies, not being able to tgke its revenge. 
In the meantime we are doing our very best. Never- 
theless, the thing is not easy, owing to the petty fears, 
the small measures, and the real terror of some of the 
German Governments. But the affair is not in their 
hands. It rests with Austria and Prussia As long as 
they do not deviate from the route they have marked 
out, they will be sure of success, and the Prussian Go- 
vernment, which has not an easy part, will go firmly 
and well. 

375. November 1Q>. — - .... I beg you to tell Lord 
Castlereagh that the opening of our important delibera- 
tions will take place on the 20th of this month. All the 
German ministers will be here at that time. 

As we only desire what the most ordinary reason 
and common sense dictates ; as, far from any divergence, 
there exists an absolute conformity of views between us 
and Prussia ; as the conduct of the King of Wurtemberg 
is not of a kind to attract imitators, I flatter myself that 

* Baron Neumann, a man very raucli in the confidence of the Prince, 
was at that time head of the Austrian Embassy in London. — Ed. 


tlie Eimd will come forth from our conferences stronger 
than it enters them. 

The only question is to consolidate the Bund on the 
same basis and in the same position. The Carlsbad 
measures will neither be strengthened nor weakened : 
they exist, they need only to be executed, and they 
will be. 

I enter into these details because it is just possible 
that the Government of his Britannic Majesty might 
receive the most contradictory reports from its represen- 
tatives in Germany. I venture to say there is not one 
of them who sees clearly the actual state of things. 
This is the game of the party we are pursuing, who take 
all possible pains to disguise the truth. It is curious to 
observe that we have not remarked a single criticism 
bearinfT on what was done at Carlsbad ; all bear on 
what was avoided there. It is especially the Commis- 
sion of Inquiry which torments the factious : they attri- 
bute functions to it which it does not possess, for they 
are fully aware that they would not receive the least 
support from the public if they raised the real question, 
which is : If it is good that the Governments should 
assure themselves of the real existence, the extent, and 
the means employed by the demagogues, who simply 
aim at the total overthrow of all society in Germany ? 
This aim is known, proved, followed, and sustained by 
most criminal means. 

This Commission has opened its sittings. The mate- 
rials on which they work are immense ; at present they 
are principally occupied with the result of judicial 
inquiries against convicted persons. Unhappily we 
shall dispose of only too large an amount of material ! 
Europe will receive, when the result of the labour is 
published, a great lesson on the danger of encouraging 


revolutionary ideas, sustained by blind or foolish Go- 
vernments, and directed by the factious under the mask 
of a kindly liberalism ! 

376. December 6. — Our conferences just now take 
a very prosperous turn. 

Will vou reassure Lord Castlereai::rh from me as to 
any alteration of the mind of the Confederation on the 
imjx)rtant question of political relations, or on the ques- 
tion of peace and war. There have never been held 
any secret committees at Frankfurt on this latter ques- 
tion ; as to the question of the Federal Act, we shall 
treat it to the satisfaction even of Lord Castlereagh, and 
to the great displeasure of Capo d'lstria, who is waiting 
for us there. I beg Lord Castlereagh to believe that I 
know all the dangerous sides of the thing, and that I shall 
take care to avoid the rocks. The sea upon which I sail 
is so well known to me that we shall enter the port when 
we are thought to be far from approaching it. 

An immense point will be gained by the consolida- 
tion of this great social body, founded on a pacific basis 
in the very centre of Europe. 

377. December 9. — .... I flatter myself that 
Lord Castlereagh will be satisfied with the two first 
things I have submitted to the Conference. He will be 
convinced by reading them that we are determined to 
prove to the alHed States what the Emperor understands 
by federation, and to convince them as well as foreign 
Powers that we do not wish to make any change either 
in the bases of the Bund or in the application of those 
bases. We recognise but one fundamental law, and 
that law is the Federal Act itself. Li the first of our 
sittings I declared tliat the Emperor regarded this act 
as so sacred that if by chance any fault of expression 
should be found in the original copy, his Luperial Ma- 


jesty would not allow it to be corrected. This declara- 
tion, and the fact of having aj^proached the discussion 
on the most difficult side — by settling the legal functions 
of the Confederation — will ensure us the most complete 

Lord Castlereagh has sometimes reproached me for 
not pushing things forward on certain occasions ; I hope 
he will now change his opinion of me. I shall always 
be found very exact on positive questions, for they are 
the only ones for which I have any inclination. 

378. December 17. — .... The progress of the 
German conferences could not be more satisfactory than 
it continues to be. The most complicated question, per- 
haps — namely, the interpretation of Article XIII. of the 
Federal Act — is almost terminated. A short but precise 
paper which I submitted to the Committee charged with 
the Report has been adopted eagerly and unanimously. 
All the corollaries which Avere to be drawn from it, in 
order to arrive at an agreement, were brought forward, 
debated, and settled in three sittings of this Committee ; 
the Report was made by the Committee in a general 
sitting held yesterday, and adopted, except some amend- 
ments proposed by the too-zealous friends of the good 
cause. You see that, although we are here only as the 
representatives of Cabinets, we have also our ultras. 
I am myself sometimes accused of too great hberalisra, 
when I am simply defending wluit is right, and above 
all what is possible and of real utiUty. But happier 
than Lord Castlereagh, the adversaries with whom I 
have to contend are men who wish only for what is 
good, though not always in a practicable way. It is 
not in my nature to yield to them. 



379. Opening address by Prince Metteruicli.* 

379. The Emperor has commanded me to open the 
conferences to which we are called, by making known 
his principles and wishes by a simple and sincere state- 
ment, such as becomes his Imperial Majesty at a time 
of so much importance for the country. 

I believe I could not better fulfil the intentions of 
his' Imperial Majesty than by placing before the repre- 
sentatives of the Governments of Germany the idea 
which has led to our present meeting. 

The Confederation of the Bund was formed at the 
time of the foundation of the European system, for the 
protection of the internal and external peace of Ger- 
many ; to offer to the nation as a whole the only possible 
centre of unity, and to guarantee the independence of 
each of the Federal States, both in regard to its neigh- 
bours forming part of the federation as well as of the 
federation towards the foreigner. 

This Confederation formed by the sovereign princes, 
with whom were associated the four free towns of Ger- 
many, secured to the whole, and to each of its members 
in particular, whatever their means or their strength, a 
common and reciprocal pledge of preservation and pro- 

* This speech was translated into French for communication to the 
foreign ambassadors. The German original cannot be found. — Ed. 


tection, an iiiestimal)le advantagi, which could only be 
received with the most lively s.itisfaction on all hands. 
The importance of such a union established in the 
centre of Europe, and the salutary influence which it 
must exercise in the consolidation of the general peace, 
cannot be forgotten by those Courts who took part in 
the transactions of 1813 and 1814, and the Germanic 
federation was, from its birth, placed under the express 
and solemn guarantee of all the European Powers. 

This federation had received its first fundamental 
laws by the Act which formed its basis. The Diet may 
commence its action ; but the point is, after further de- 
liberation to fix its functions, the extent of its jurisdic- 
tion, the limits of its powers, and even the forms to be 
followed in the most essential parts of its work. This 
deliberation, so necessary to complete and consolidate 
the edifice of which the Federal Act had only traced 
the chief outlines, should, according to the custom gene- 
rally adopted, have taken place in the midst of the Diet 
itself. Obstacles of every kind have caused this impor- 
tant affair to be put off from time to time. This was 
the first opposition Germany has experienced since the 
foundation of the federal constitution. 

An evil of a different nature, the efforts of which 
are not less perceptible, has been added to this first 
cause of stagnation : namely, the injurious influence of 
a revolutionary party in all the countries of Europe, 
whose alarming progress makes itself felt in more than 
one part of the Germanic Confederation ; a scourge de- 
stroying the basis of all social order, in the beginning 
restricting itself to a small number of individuals moved 
by discontent or by political fanaticism, but soon draw- 
ing after it whole generations, exciting the enthusiasm 
and raising the passions of tlie multitude by the abuse 


of a few sacred words, and the deceptive bait of philan- 
thropic theories ; a contagious disease, misunderstood 
by many of the German Governments, while others 
have treated it with too much indulgence, and others 
again have applied useless remedies, which have only 
brought on new complications. 

During the Emperor's last visit to Italy, many of 
the German Courts addressed confidential overtures to 
his Imperial Majesty, placing beyond a doubt what at 
last is beginning to be recognised everywhere — how 
necessary it is to take measures against a danger which 
every day becomes more formidable. All the en- 
lightened men in Germany, who are sincerely attached 
to their country and to the maintenance of order, are 
filled with the same sentiments and share the same con- 

Always disposed to devote his attention and his 
powers to the general good, his Majesty has not hesitated 
to accept the idea of a confidential agreement between 
those Courts, where the necessity of combating the evil 
has been most felt, and others, which by their situation 
are not so easily reached. His Imperial Majesty has 
nothing to fear for himself; he hopes that, under the 
protection of God, the calm and regular action of a well- 
established government will preserve his States from 
contagion. But it is not sufficient for the Emperor 
to see his throne and his people preserved from danger ; 
he desires to fulfil his duty towards his alhes, as much 
as circumstances will allow. The candour and firmness 
which his Imperial Majesty has evinced in the first de- 
liberations which have taken place on this subject, tlie 
zeal with which he has undertaken the most diflicult 
part in this enterprise, are plainly shown by the pro 
posals which he has caused to be made to the Diet. 


Thanks to the glorious unanimity which characterised 
the conferences of Carlsbad, thanks to the support 
which the resolutions prepared in those conferences 
have received from the Diet from the time they were 
drawn up, a decided step has been taken towards a 
better state of things ; and, provided the Governments 
of Germany are all equally determined not to swerve 
from the path they have chosen, but to follow it, not 
only in the spirit of justice and wisdom which dictated 
the presidential proposals of September 20, but with that 
inflexible perseverance without which nothing great has 
ever been consummated, the greatest success must 
crown our efforts. 

If the measures adopted by common agreement, and 
on the scrupulous execution of which his Imperial 
Majesty thinks he can reckon with entire confidence, 
justify the hope that the interior tranquillity of Germany 
will not be disturbed, that none of the pernicious plans 
which are the object of our just apprehension will be 
realised, we have still to get over another source of 
danger — namely, the want of exact definition in many 
essential points of our federal constitution. 

This question was not broached at Carlsbad, except 
in some general and prehminary observations. But all 
opinions being agreed as to the necessity of treating 
it thoroughly, his Imperial Majesty proposed to devote 
some deliberations to it later on. This proposition 
was received on all sides with tliat spirit of concord 
and patriotism with which the conferences of Carlsbad 
were constantly animated ; and thus our present meeting 
was arranged — a decisive moment for the future 
destinies of the Germanic Confederation. 

It seems to me not without use to consider for a few 
moments the reasons which have induced his Imperial 


Majesty to propose this meeting. The Germanic Con- 
federation of the Bund is an integral part of the pohtical 
system of Europe. All which at present forms the 
public law of Germany is inseparably connected with 
the covenant which forms the basis of this Confederation, 
for not only the rights which it exercises in common, 
but also the sejDarate rights of sovereignty of each of 
these States in particular, depend on this covenant. It 
is no longer in our power to question the existence of 
the Confederation ; and it would be as contrary to the 
interests as to tlie dignity of the Princes who have 
taken part in it to allow it to languish in a state of 
imperfection, condemning it to impotence and inaction. 
A common duty, an indispensable duty, requires us, on 
the contrary, to raise the federal union to that degree 
of strength and perfection which, according to the inten- 
tions of i^s founders, it should reach. The progress 
made during the last three years is far from fulfilhng 
that intention. 

His Majesty is persuaded that a delay so annoying 
does not proceed from opposition to the aim of the fede- 
ration ; that the principal cause, if not the only one, is 
to be found in the fluctuation of ideas, in the incorrect, 
vague, and contradictory notions of the nature of the 
federal covenant, and on the relations, rights and duties 
connected with it. 

To determine these notions, and to apply them in a 
safe and precise manner to the different problems which 
claim our attention — such is, in the opinion of his Ini 
perial Majesty, the principal object of the present 
deliberations. Experience has shoAvn how difficult it 
was to arrive at satisfactory results by tlie dis- 
cussions opened on this subject at Frankfurt, and it 
is in the nature of things that direct exj^lanations 


between the Cabinets should far better advance this 
work. The Emperor is assuredly as far as any of his 
great alhes from wishing to restrain the activity of the 
Diet, or from offering the slightest want of respect to 
an assembly the authority of which, on the contrary, 
all the members of the Confederation are interested in 
maintaining and strengthening. 

But this assembly is composed of delegates pro- 
ceeding in legal forms, and according to the instructions 
of their respective Governments, with the affairs on 
which they are called to treat. The extent and hmits 
of their jurisdiction must therefore be fixed, and it is 
not the assembly itself which can or should be charged 
with fidlilling this condition. 

When once the Governments which constitute the 
Confederation of the Bund shall be agreed on the funda- 
mental principles of their union, and on the sense in 
which they should be applied to positive questions, the 
progress of the Diet will become safer and more easy, 
and this advantage wdjl make itself felt in all branches 
of its transactions. 

The President of the Diet has set forth in a separate 
proposition — forming one of those of September 20 — 
different subjects of deliberation, about which the am- 
bassadors have requested instructions from their Courts. 
The same subjects have been indicated in the letters of 
invitation addressed by the Cabinet of his Imperial 
Majesty to all the Governments of Germany, as those 
which are chiefly to occupy us in the present con- 
ferences. Many other important questions already 
submitted to the deliberations of the Diet, but which 
were left undecided, or only provisionally arranged, are 
connected with the above-mentioned subjects. All 
these matters, the discussion of which at the Diet must 



be prepared and facilitated by agreement between the 
plenipotentiaries of the federal Governments, are pre- 
sented in the list annexed to this discourse. 

His Imperial Majesty values too highly the preserva- 
tion and the glory of the great political body of which 
he himself is one of the principal members not to have 
the sincerest wishes for the success of the conferences 
which are about to be opened. His Imperial Majesty 
has decided to communicate to that illustrious assembly, 
without reserve, his principles and views on all the 
points submitted to our deliberations. He indulges the 
hope that his confederates will see in this step a new 
proof of zeal for the general good, and for the closest 
union between all the Governments of Germany, that 
his example will be generally followed, and that every- 
one will acknowledge the value of an occasion, perhaps 
unique, for consulting all opinions, for dissipating all 
doubts, and for removing all obstacles. Thus we can 
take credit to ourselves for giving to the Germanic 
Confederation that perfection, that stability, and — what 
will be the infallible effect — that external consideration 
which rightfully attaches to the union of thii'ty millions 
of Germans, equal in rank and influence to the first 
European Powers, and, at the same time, to secure to 
each particular State that common guarantee against 
internal and external dangers which, according to the 
letter and spirit of the Federal Act, was the principal 
aim of this Confederation. 

Prince MetternicKs Second Address. 

380. In my first discourse I had the honour to 

inform the Conference that his Majesty the Emperor 

considered the principal object of our meeting to be 

that of fixing definitely the meaning (too little under- 

yoL. m. A A 


stood up to this time) of our federal system, as well as 
the relations, rights and duties which belong to it, and 
to apply these notions to the different questions which 
we are called upon to resolve. 

Before we proceed to this business I think it my 
duty to unfold some general principles, indicating the 
point of view from which the Emperor has constantly 
regarded the federation, and the sense in which he has 
associated himself with a system of which his Imperial 
Majesty was one of the founders, and to the main- 
tenance of which he will never cease to devote his care. 

I. In the pact of union concluded by the sovereign 
Princes and free cities of Germany, the sovereignty 
of each of the confederate States is placed under the 
direct guarantee of the rights of the people, and recog- 
nises no other limits than those required by the main- 
tenance of German unity in relation to foreign Powers, 
and those resulting from common measures for the in- 
ternal safety and tranquillity of the Confederation. It 
follows from this first principle that, in settling the pre- 
rogatives of the Confederation, there can, in any case, 
be no question of infringing the sovereign rights of 
those States which are members of the union — rights 
expressly guaranteed by the compact upon which this 
union rests ; his Imperial Majesty having, besides, the 
inward conviction that, placed in their true light, the 
engagements towards the federal body impose no real 
sacrifice on the sovereigns who have contracted them, 
that, notwithstanding these engagements, their rights of 
sovereignty remain intact, and that the federal union 
simply tends to secure to these rights an increase of 
strength and extent. 

II. The Federal Act is the first fundamental law of the 
Union. No resolution, whether it has for its object the 


development of the principles of the federation, whether 
it bears on the interests of the whole, or whether it re- 
gards individual affairs, can be opposed to the disposi- 
tions of this Act. 

Although by this declaration the inviolabihty of the 
Federal Act is recognised in the most positive manner, 
the confederate Governments do not the less preserve 
the power of interpreting and developing the funda- 
mental law in such a way as seems most convenient to 
them. This reservation is stated in the text of the 
Federal Act itself, while Article X., in demanding sup- 
plementary laws, has made over to the Diet the draw- 
ing up of these laws. Now, experience and careful 
examination having taught us, as I observed in my first 
discourse, that it is in all respects better to assign this 
business to the direct deliberations of the Cabinets, it 
is evident that our present meeting is fully qualified to 
discuss the necessary regulations for completing the 
federal institutions, in order to arrive as soon as pos- 
sible at satisfactory results on the above-mentioned con- 
ditions previous to any subsequent transactions. 

III. Tlie assembly which represents the Confedera- 
tion (the Diet) is responsible to the political body which 
constituted it, just as tlie ambassadors at the Diet are 
responsible to their respective Governments. In a 
higher sense, each federal State is responsible to the 
federal body for the faithful accomplishment of obliga- 
tions immediately connected with the fundamental pact, 
or which, in virtue of this pact, it has contracted by its 
consent to common resolutions. 

IV. The resolutions of the Diet, given in legal form, 
beini;^ the result of the united wish of the Governments 
which form the Bund, and consequently obligatory on 
the whole and on each member of the federation, it fol- 

A A 2 


lows that, for all the common business of the Bund, 
the supreme legislative power rests in the Diet. 

This principle, incontestable in itself, leads us to the 
important question of defining those subjects which may 
be considered as the common business of the Bund. 
The elements for resolving this question are found 
either in the text of the Federal Act itself or in a simple 
and natural interpretation of its dispositions. But, the 
precise determination of the sphere of legal activity — 
or, as it was formerly called, of the competence of the 
Diet — is a task with which the present meeting must and 
ought to occupy itself; and his Imperial Majesty is of 
opinion that, both from the importance of the thing and 
on account of the facilities which will result from it for 
the whole of our labours, it would be well to give this 
question the priority in order. The question of com- 
petence being directly connected with that of votes in 
the transactions of the Diet, this question will make a 
natural transition to Article I. in the table of subjects 
for deliberation.* 

• For the further progress of the Vienna Ministerial Conferences and 
their results see the documents Nos. 408 to 476. — Ed. 




Extracts from Metternich's private Correspondence from January 8 
to May 15, 1820. 

381. The Conferences. 382. Reminiscences occasioned by the appearance of 
Koch's ' History of the War of 18U.' 383. Praise hy the ' Moniteur.' 
384. The Prince's convalescence. 385. Description of Metternich's apart- 
ments in the Chancellery. 38G. Prince of Hesse sent to London to offer 
congratulations to the new King. 387. Assassination of the Duke of 
35erry. 388. Longing for air and sun. 389. Anxiety respecting Princess 
Clementine — Capo d'Istria. 390. Metternich's double nature. 391 , 392, 
393, 394. On Princess Clementine. 395. ' History of Cromwell,' by Ville- 
niaine. 396. Flies and spiders. 397. Conclusion of the Conference. 
398. Metternich's property at Bodensee. 399. Significance of the cries 
for Burdett & Co. 400. Clementine's convalescence. 401. Relapse. 

402. The situation still more grave — Clementine's portrait by Lawrence. 

403. Approaching dissolution. 404. Death of Clementine. 405. Her 
beauty. 40G. Metternich's birthday— signature of the final act of the 
Conference. 407. The family party reassembled. 

381. Vierina, January/ 8, 1820. — I have worked 
to-day like a galley slave ; the conferences have lasted 
quite fifteen hours. I cannot, however, complain of it, 
because our business goes on so well. Never perhaps 
have I found more unanimity, a better spirit or a better 
will. Poor Capo d'Istria has taken quite a wrong stand- 
point for his last circular.* Surely a man cannot avoid 
compromising himself when he informs people of the 
contrary of what they know, what they alone can know, 
and what cannot be judged of six hundred miles off. 

• Apparently an allusion to some circular of Cape d'Istria's, by which 
Russia endeavoured to excite the smaller German Courts to withstand Met- 
ternich's claims. — Ed. 


.... How few are the statesmen who deserve the 
name ; each one thinks he can meddle in affairs at a 
•moment when all ideas are confused, when nothing is 
so rash as to form a judgment on the gravest and most 
difficult affairs. It is the fate of those men who have 
no principle and little knowledge to form a world 
of their own and place events in it as they wish. 
Theorisers of this kind see what does not exist, believe 
the contrary of what is, and will not admit any truth 
which conflicts with their hypotheses. But since there 
is nothing more positive than fact, and nothing more 
true than truth, these hypotheses go off hke rockets, 
which when once they have burst, do not equal even 
the most feeble light which burns on undisturbed. And 
truth remains truth in spite of all antagonists. 

382. I have passed a strange night. A history of 
the war of 1814, by Koch, has just appeared in Paris : 
one of the best works which has yet been written on * 
that subject. Apart from some errors which an author 
placed, as he is, outside the affairs can hardly escape, the 
book contains much that is true. I took this book to 
bed with me yesterday evening, and read it Avith the 
greatest interest. To read the history of an important 
epoch in which one has oneself played a prominent part 
is a most curious thing. I found myself placed before 
posterity, and felt called upon to judge myself. During 
this three hours' reading I did not, indeed, feel inclined 
to accuse myself; but how much could I have added to 
every occurrence, to every page, indeed to every hne of 
the book. In matters of fact I have really an excellent 
memory : I need only to replace myself in the situation 
alluded to, and tlie whole circumstance and everything 
connected with it comes clearly before my eyes. I 
found the account of the violation of the Swiss frontiers 


contained in eight or ten lines — one of the greatest 
events at the beginning of that campaign, and one of 
the very greatest influence on the result of the war. 
The author is, indeed, right enough in attributing to me 
alone the full use which was made of this event ; but 
where he does not know, he romances. How is it pos- 
sible to know so much and at the same time not to 
know so much as the author ! 

On this occasion I learned what the will of one 
man can do when boldness gives such a one the feeling 
to do the right thing, and that a well-considered plan 
carried out with vic^our is sure of success. In regard 
to this affair, I was at that time alone in my opposition 
to the Emperor Alexander. I knew everything, both 
his obhgations and the enormous compromises which 
might arise therefrom both to the cause and to myself if 
I held fast to my conviction — to a conviction which in- 
cluded both the excellence of the plan and the happy 
prospect of success. And see ! I have not deceived my- 
self. The outbursts of anger have passed away, and the 
good remains. This last is my reward. My reading 
finished, I put out the light, and turned round to sleep. 
He does not sleej), however, who wills to do so : I lay 
there with 1814 in my head and in my heart — that year 
with its blessings, its prodigious consequences, its gross 
errors : all this took possession of my mind, and I could 
not sleep till five in the morning. If I had had a secre- 
tary near me, I would have dictated some notes. This 
was another historical night. 

383. January 27. — To-day I hear everyone fum- 
ing about a foolish laudation of me which has appeared 
in the ' Moniteur.' What do people want ? From the 
moment when a man steps on the stage he belongs to 
the public, who have a perfect right to applaud or hiss, 


and who make use of the right. If he who treads the 
stage does but possess a clear character and right feehng 
he will take both praise and blame as mere reminders 
that he is placed in the foreground ; his own head and 
his own heart must tell him whether he is right or 
wrong. The noise is nothing, the action everything. 

To me undoubtedly, I openly allow, stupid blame is 
pleasanter than stupid praise : the first may amuse, but 
cannot anger me ; the latter, on the contrary, might 
make me treat my awkward friend somewhat rudely. 

If anyone wishes to write my history, let him leave 
full freedom to the judgment of posterity, which alone 
can speak with authority of the men who have contri- 
buted to make the history of their time. 

384. February 16. — I have returned to the world 
again * ;■ to-morrow evening Ireopen vaj salons. Already 
I tremble at the prospect of the crowd of tii'esome 
people whom I must receive. Nothing delights such 
people more than a death or a return to hfe, i.e. the 
opportunity of condoling or congratulating. If it were 
only possible that this cursed race would confine them- 
selves to the first of these occasions, at least as far as 
concerns me ! To die is nothino; : but to hve for these 
people — that is worse to me than death ! 

385. February 17. — Here we have snow ankle- 
deep. The winter seems as if it would never have done, 
which is dreadful to me, for I have my garden, and 
therefore need spring and air and sun. Talking of the 
sun, you have no idea how beautiful my rooms are when 
the sun shines. They lie to the south, and are there- 
fore pleasant and warm, and I can hardly guard my 
furniture from its beams. I have a spacious ante-room, 
a large room where the people who want to see me wait. 

• The Priuce had been ill for twelve days. — Ed. 


This opens into my library, wliicli is a splendid room. 
It is jEilled quite up to tlie ceiling witli books in fme open 
mahogany shelves. As it is about eighteen feet high, my 
library must contain nearly 15,000 volumes, though it 
does not look as if there were so many. In the middle 
of the room is Canova's beautiful Venus, whose pedestal 
is surrounded by a circular settee. Then comes my 
study, a fine large room with three windows ; in this are 
three great writing-tables. I like to change my place, 
and I do not like to be disturbed at my desk by anyone 
else writing; at the same table. This room is full of 
works of art, pictures, busts, bronzes, astronomical 
clocks, and all kinds of instruments. For to science I 
gladly dedicate my few hours of leisure, and these hours, 
if lost for business, are a gain for life. The large table in 
my bedroom is covered with portfolios of engravings, 
maps, and drawings ; besides which I have a considerable 
collection of works of art arranged under glass. I am 
often amused at the distraction of strangers, who have 
to make out their visit amid such a varied collection of 

In this treasury I pass seven-eighths of my time. 
Why should I not surround myself with all these objects 
so dear to me ? I live unwillingly in small rooms, and 
still more unwillingly work in them. In a contracted 
space the mind contracts, the thoughts hide themselves, 
and even the heart grows withered. 

When ray children are good their mother, as a re- 
ward, brings them to pay me a short visit. I cannot 
.flatter myself that the children come so gladly from love 
to me. It seems to them just like a market, for my 
rooms are very similar to shops. There is no artist in 
Vienna, nor any artist who comes here, who does not 
send his works to me. There are always easels standmg 


about with new pictures, new engravings, new drawings, 
which the worthy artists gladly send to me because I 
see and receive so many people. 

Whenever I have a grand ball my hbrary must be 
used, and several round tables are placed there, on 
which covers can be laid altogether for thirty-two. The 
difficulty then is the Venus, who is in this arrangement 
somewhat embarrassing. The statue is indeed of the 
most scrupulous propriety in front, which cannot per- 
haps so well be said of the back view. 

386. February 18. — The Emperor is going to send 
the Prince of Hesse to London with his congratulations 
to the new King. This is in every respect an excellent 
choice. His first adjutant is Count Lato Wrbna, one of 
our most fashionable young men, and a good fellow too, 
whom for his improvement I lately sent to Brazil, where 
he went through some remarkable adventures. On 
board a pirate ship a young and very pretty Spanish 
lady wanted to have him hanged ; she implored on her 
knees that they would fasten him upon the great mast, 
because she had never seen this proceeding, and Count 
Wrbna seemed to her to be the most splendid model for 
it. What can the women all have in their heads? 
Their fancies are unfathomable ! 

387. February 20. — I have just heard of the assas- 
sination of the Due de Berry. Liberahsm goes its way ; 
it rains murders ; there have been already four Sands in 
nine months. 

All is lost in France if the Government does not turn 
round. Those who are deluded by the ruffians are in-, 
deed children, but the criminals are no children. I 
know the element of intrigue which the Government has 
now taken up, in the delusion that it would be an ele- 
ment of strength. That is certainly the strength of a 


wild animal, that will never allow itself to be civilised. 
It must be admitted that this is not a pleasant moment 
for a minister. 

388. February 25. — I really hunger and thirst for 
my garden on the Rennweg ; for a whole long month I 
have not been able to pay it a visit. My room is full of 
the most beautiful flowers from my conservatories, but 
that is not the one thing which charms me. I long for 
air and sunshine. I am a child of light, and need bril- 
liant light to be able to hve. People who are really 
bad have no such need. 

389. March 16. — I have the gravest fears for my poor 
Clementine. She has now for the third time an attack 
of fever. She had the first on January 22, the second 
on February 20, and now she is again attacked with se- 
vere fever. She is in such a state of exhaustion that it 
is impossible to see how she is to get over it. I cannot 
see a being so dear to me suffer. Clementine is, besides, 
so good a child, and so attached to me that she will have 
me constantly near her bed. Since her illness she has 
grown four inches. In December she was still small : 
now she is quite tall. Although she is fifteen, she is 
still quite a child. I have a kind of superstition which 
experience has unhappily strengthened in me. The ex- 
traordinary is always attended with more dangers than 
the ordinary. Clementine, for instance, is remarkably 
pretty ; it must really be so, for when she goes out the 
people gather round her. 1 would rather she were a 
child of more common appearance, for such children 
grow like weeds. I have to-day summoned eight ma- 
tadores of the faculty to a consultation — I myself being 
present — and all the physicians were of the same opinion. 
To my heavy heart is added the severe task that is laid 
upon me. Our great work approaches its end. The 


complete confidence of my fellow-workers is beneficial, 
but burdensome. Amid all the confusion Capo d'Istria 
continually whispers in my ear. He reminds me of a 
musical amateur who practises on the bugle in the next 
room. He blows extremely hard without ever getting 
a tune. His expenditure of breath is enormous, but 
nothing crood comes of it. All is wroncr — wrons" time, 
wrong notes, wrong key ; piano tones where forte are 
necessary ; sostenuto where it should be con brio ; largo 
in the quickest time, with ohbligato accompaniments. If 
there is really any sense in it, I have none. With such 
sense as that, France will come to a 1789 or a February 
13. Good heavens, why is it that so many fools are 
thoroughly good men, as is the case with Capo d'Istria ? 
If they were not, some way would be found of making 
them harmless ; but as it is they must be heard, and 
they and their nonsense must be admitted to the debates. 

390. March 22. — My poor Clementine is still very 
ill. Nothing breaks me down like a sick child ; never 
anxious about myself, I am always so for the children. 
There are, indeed, no new bad symptoms, but I hold that 
in itself the long continuance of the fever is very serious. 

Meanwhile, whether I like it or not, I must sit for 
many hours at my writing-table. In painful moments 
like the present it is more than ever necessary to turn 
my second nature outside — that nature which makes 
many people believe that I have no heart. They would 
deny me a head, too, if I did not occasionally let them 
know that it remains firm wlien they knock at it. 

My news of the Emperor Alexander shows that 
people where he is are aware that phrases ruin the 
world, but save no one. 

' 391. I am still thoroughly miserable. My daughter, 
indeed, is a little better, but has stiU so many hiUs to 


climb before level country is readied that a father cannot 
feel easy. My only hope is in God, who knows better 
than we poor men what is right and good. I go from 
my writing-table to the sick bed, and back again. If 
my heart is restless, so are also my nights, which never 
happens to me when my head only is in question : a proof 
what a quite different power the heart has — ^just that 
heart which is denied me by the crowd. 

392. March 30. — My poor Clementine's condition 
improves very slowly. He who has children himself 
knows what anxiety is caused by a sick child. It is 
not enough for me to know that those I love are happy. 
I want them also to be prosperous. Heaven, if it sees 
fit, will protect them. 

In a position like mine, in which one is smothered 
with business for twelve hours every day, it is a real 
happiness to spend some leisure moments in the family 
circle. If then received by the children with joy, the 
whole world takes a different colour. In my family 
circle it is unhappily to-day most gloomy, and I go from 
the Eevolutionists and Demagogues who people my 
study, to fmd care and sorrow in the sick room. 

393. April 2. — The doctors are more cheerful ; 
they think I should smile, which the father's heart can- 
not yet succeed in. 

I am finishing the building of my garden house ; it 
onlj'- wants the last touches, it will be quite a museum 
of works of art. The fine arts are indeed cood friends ; 
they are always to be found ; their company always 
delights, and their cultus never leads to disappoint- 

Lawrence, whom I expected, unhappily cannot come 
to Vienna. He is a man fidl of mind and heart, and I 
am vain enough to believe that he hkes me. I wrote to 


him yesterday that he is made a member of the Aca- 
demy here. He may perhaps attribute less vakie to this 
nomination than to the circumstance that I have ob- 
tained it for him. 

394. Ap7nl 8. — My daughter's fate still seems 
doubtful. For me, alas ! it is already decided. If she 
remains with me, I shall take it as a gift from Heaven. 
From earthly help I expect nothing more. It is her 
age which makes me most anxious. For the last eight 
days she has not grown worse, but neither has she im- 
proved. No one can imagine how miserable this state 
of things makes me. The happiness of my life consists 
of such simple elements that at least these might be left 
to me. 

395. April 10. — Society, hke nature and hke man, 
has adopted laws of its own. Old institutions are like 
old men, they will never be young again ; but the 
moderns must go through their young time of lawless- 
ness and folly. Man cannot make a constitution pro- 
perly speaking : that is made only by time. Just as 
little is a Charta a constitution as the marriaije contract 
is the marriage. Let people write as much as they 
like — and the less will always be the better — and yet 
you will have nothing in your hand but a sheet of paper. 
England alone has a Constitution, of which the Magna 
Charta is but a subordinate element. The Enijlish Con- 
stitution is the work of centuries, and, moreover, streams 
of blood and anarchy of every kind supplied the means. 
Social order ever progresses in this way ; it cannot be 
otherwise, since it is the law of nature. What is called 
a constitution to-day is notliing but ' otez-vous de la que 
je my mette.' What in quiet times disappears like foam, 
is lashed by the tempest into great waves, and the moral 
like the material world has its storms. If it be asked 


whether the revokition will flood the whole of Europe, 
1 cannot wager against it, but of this I am determined, 
that I will fight against it till my latest breath. 

The ' History of Cromwell,' by Villemain, has ap- 
peared in Paris : a good book which the author has 
flung into a world haunted everywhere by Cromwell. 
Pohtical madness, rehgious madness, is seen in all 
classes of society and in the army ; usurpation, demo- 
cracy, despotism, or weakness in the Government ; a 
low state of feeling in men ; brilliant surfaces and decay- 
ing bodies ; lastly, a general relaxation — these are always 
the first symptoms at all times and in all places, of the 
return to order. The dead speak no more, but their 
sons return ever and anon to their frenzies, the names 
of which, indeed, are altered. They call them Eeason, 
and give to the new discovery of old errors the name of 
the Society of Man. 

396. April 11. — The invahd is in the same con- 
dition ; fresh medical consultations only amuse us with 
hope for the future. Nothing pleases me, for happiness 
is not without us, but within. 

My garden house is gay, but I am sad. Great beds 
of hyacinths and narcissuses difl'use their fragrance far 
and wide ; to me they all seem withered. It is best for 
me to be at my writing-table, because there I am obhged 
to think of something else. Capo dTstria still gives me 
some trouble ; but he does not catch me. I begin to know 
the world well, and I believe that the flies are only eaten 
up by the spiders because they die naturally so young 
that they have no time to gain experience and do not 
know what is the nature of the spider's web. My axiom 
is all the more correct, because it is impartial, for the 
real spiders interest me. I very often watch them, they 
are the best barometers, and, their ughness apart, they 


are quite dear little animals always busy, arranging 
their dwellings in the neatest manner. 

397. ^J/^nY 13. — I have this day undertaken to read 
through the copy of our conferences. This great and 
important work will be concluded in spite of the joy 
which all Eadicals would have felt if it had been other- 
wise ; it is a legislative work of the very highest order.* 

398. April 19. — I still lead a quite wonderful life ; 
I am everywhere and nowhere. I have estates which I 
have never seen, and among them some which I hear 
travellers describe as paradise. Among others a castle 
on the lake of Constance, wliich commands the whole 
lake and gives a panorama of Switzerland. I have only 
once staid a night at the castle, and then I arrived at 
eight in the evening and had to leave again at four in 
the morning ; for a courier who arrived during the night 
urged me not to lose a moment. If only Heaven had 
given me for some consolation the smallest portion of 
that ambition which finds an enjoyment on the most 
trifling occasion which it never offers to me ! Ambition 
I have, but it is of so grave a kind that its enjoyments 
are like those of virtue. My ambition is to do well what 
I have to do, and to combat evil wherever I find it. It 
is just this circumstance which gives me so cold a tinge, 
which comes not simply from patience but rather from 
perseverance. To me it is really nothing to work ; titles 
and so-called honours are indifferent to me. I am much 
more loaded with them than I desire, and if they were 
taken away, I should hardly remark it. Posterity will 
judge me — the only judgment which I covet, the only 
one to which I am not indifferent, and which I shall 
never know. 

399. April 20. — Many people would be delighted 

• See No. 476.— Ed. 

metternich's youth. 369 

to make their entry in a Eoman car of triumph amid the 
noisy shouts of some thousand bawlers. I do not care 
for triumphal cars or cries ; the shouts of the mob are 
worth nothing. Rejoicings are only worth anything 
when the angels smile and evil spirits flee. A man must 
be like me, born and brought up amid the storm of 
poHtics, to know what is the precise meaning of a shout 
of triumph like those which now burst forth from 
Burdett and Co. He may have read of it, but I have seen 
it with my eyes. I have lived at the same time as the 
Federation of 1789. I was fifteen, and already a man. 
The most beautiful sun beamed on a hundred thousand 
enthusiasts who all believed in the dawn of the Golden 
Age. I was under a tutor who in the year 1793 was an 
intimate friend of Eobespierre, and on August 10 pre- 
sided over the Committee of Marseillese ; this tutor was 
the best man in the world ; he wept for joy, and filled 
the whole world with his love and his philanthropy. I 
was his scholar, but, nevertheless, my heart was absorbed 
in misery. 

400. Clementine's condition seems to be something 
better, but if all goes well her restoration will yet be a 
work of time. But this long time is dearer to me than 
the moment when I must give her up entirely. She is a 
quiet, good child. The day before yesterday she said to 
me that she liad the feelins' of comin^? back to life asjain, 
and was greatly delighted, because she would now have 
all the longer time to show me how much she was at- 
tached to me. It seems that the leech which was lately 
put on her throat gave much relief. An inflammatory 
complaint which has now lasted three months is indeed 
severe. Unhappily, she feels very much the return of 
cold weather ; she is quite benumbed with it. 

401. April 29. — The improvement was, alas ! of 


short duration. The uiflammation returned next day, 
and in a few hours it took the form of severe inflam- 
mation of the hmgs. On three successive days she 
had to be bled. This excessive loss of blood after an 
illness of three months must weaken her dreadfully, so 
tliat we can no longer hope to save her. There are 
cases where the remedy seems worse than the disease 

402. Clementine's condition grows still more 
serious ; it is now evident that this last inflammation 
has attacked her lungs most severely. To-day she was so 
ill that the physicians expected her end. In the course 
of the afternoon she had sat up for some moments. 
She then went back so that four-and-twenty hours 
afterwards she lay in a deathlike stupor. 

Yesterday the portrait of Clementine, by Lawrence, 
arrived from Florence. I intended to leave the box for 
a month unopened. Clementine, during her lethargy, 
must have heard us speak of it. The first conscious 
words she said to me were to ask me to unpack the 
picture and show it to her. I allowed it to be brought. 
She smiled at the picture, and said : ' Lawrence seems 
to have painted me in heaven, for he has surrounded 
me with clouds ! ' She wished to have the portrait 
placed upon her bed. This, however, we could not do 
 — hfe and death cannot be placed so close together. 

To-day Clementine performed her devotions. For 
several days she had imploringly begged to do so. She 
seems not to have the least fear of death. She is per- 
fectly calm. 

Worn as I am with this agitation, I have still to 
go through long conferences. Yesterday I had one of 
the plenipotentiaries with me in my room when they 
brought me word that the physicians had assembled, 


and were waiting for me in the sick room. When I 
got up to go, my visitor said to me : ' Pardon me, allow 
me to draw your attention to some of the Rhine tolls ! ' 
I assured him that I must go, though the Rhine should 
flow back to its source ! The man stood there quite 
confounded, and I left him with astonishment on his 
face that anyone should do business in that way. But 
my first business is the preservation of my happiness — 
a business which, indeed, I do not often follow. 

403. Elegies do not belong to my character. I 
cannot lament. Heaven has doomed me to suffer in 

Clementine gets rapidly worse ; her departure may 
take place any day. She does not suffer — indeed, that 
follows from the nature of her illness, which is, never- 
theless, very severe. Feeling and duty chain me to 
her bed. I suffer more than she does. She is generally 
unconscious, and her dreams are sweet but they are all 
amono- the fields where in imacrination she is wan- 
dering. To-day she had herself turned round in bed. 
To my question why she did so, she replied : ' I do not 
want always to see the same things ; ' but added imme- 
diately, 'Look at that bed [a second bed had been 
placed in the room, to make a change for her] ^ is it not 
extraordinary that they give me a stone bed ? ' I 
replied that she was mistaken : that the second bed was 
hunfj with muslin. ' Stone or mushn,' said she, ' both 
are ahke to me ; both are white, and that j)leases me.' 
Her presentiments guide her more correctly than her 
reason. I do not believe that she can last more than 
three days. Her face is quite disfigured, and Lawrence 
himself would not know her. Her features are only to 
be recognised if she smiles ; but this smile comes from 
a heavenly rather than an earthly being. 



404. May 11. — Our worst fears were realised on 
tlie Gtli. At half-past nine on the evening of the 5th 
my wife called me. Clementine was greatly distressed. 
I hurried to her, and I had only to look at her and feel 
her pulse to know that her dissolution was at hand. In 
spite of every remedy she became worse and worse, so 
that at one moment I thought she was gone. It was 
but a swoon, from which she revived and regained her 
full consciousness. She asked for her confessor, and at 
midnight breathed her last gently and calmly as she 
always was in hfe. I learn from her confessor that she 
had expected her death for the last fortnight, and only 
the fear of grieving us gave her strength enough to 
show the greatest calmness with respect to her state. 
After her last attack she implored that she might 
receive the sacrament, under the pretext that it was 
Eastertide. Her confessor, who had also been her 
tutor for ten years, gave her some excellent counsel 
respecting her future ; but she answered very quietly, 
with a smile, ' What you say is beautiful and good, but 
it is nothing to me : my future is not here below ! ' Thus 
died the innocent, who has now no remembrances and 
no pain. The next morning I took my wife to my 
daughter Marie, where I stayed two days. Business 
called me back, and I have despatched it as one might 
empty a cup of poison. 

405. May 12. — I am still here alone. My wife 
and my son are mth Marie. I work and think of my 
misfortune. A most beautiful being has been snatched 
from the world. There is in society here a lady who is 
very like my daughter ; when I met her yesterday I 
was overcome with tears. 

I can truly say that I have a certain anxiety about 
all very lovely girls. The cause of their beauty is mostly 


the cause of their death. Too great dehcacy in the fea- 
tures, a quite transparent skin, a certain blending in the 
figure, are all proofs of an extremely tender organism. A 
chmate like ours acts on such a one like the north wind 
on the flowers of spring. I have, happily, the gift of 
keeping my feehngs to myself, even when my heart is 
half broken. Of this I have given certain proof during 
the last months. The thirty men with whom I sit 
daily at the conference table have certainly never 
guessed what I was going through while I talked for 
three or four hours, and dictated hundreds of pages. 

406. May 15.— On this day in the year 1773, 
precisely at twelve o'clock, I was presented to the 
world. On the same day, forty-seven years afterwards, 
I have sig-ned the final act of our conferences. We 
sat together the whole day yesterday, and we might 
have come to an end then if my colleagues — or, 
rather, my children — had not wished to celebrate my 
birthday by the conclusion of our work. 

Seven-and-forty years is a long time, quite too long. 
I have, in this weary life, thank God, preserved that 
strong vitality of heart which is a preservative against 
the passing away of any feeling. At twenty I was the 
same man I am to-day. I was alwaj^s what I am, good 
or bad, strong or weak. 

407. May 16. — The family circle has assembled 
again. My wife does not leave the room in which my 
daughter died. She has collected around her every- 
thing which belonged to her. I cannot enter the room 
without tears, and I soon return to my business, which 
makes a barrier between me and myself. 



Extracts from Metternich's private Correspondence from May 27 
to July 9, 1820. 

408. From Prague — Palais Fiirsteuberg. 409. Marriage of the Archduke 
Rainer with Princess von Carignan. 410. Recollections of Prague. 
411. The same. 412. From Theresienstadt — reflections. 413. From 
Carlsbad — Count Czernin. 414. From Konigswart — at Clementine's 
D-rave. 415. Business. 416. Managrement of two earthenware manu- 
factories — the pitcher goes to the well till it breaks. 417. Arrival of 
Queen Caroline in Dover. 418. Mineral waters at Konigswart. 419. 
Visit of Prince Scbonburg. 420. Plan for a family vault. 421. At 
Rosenau — reception in Coburg— popular festival. 422, Inspection of the 
country in company with the Duke. 423. Plans for the Castle at 
Coburg — Queen Caroline of England. 424. From Franzensbad — victory 
over Capo d'Istria. 425. The London allair. 

408. Prague, May 27, 1820.— I live here at the 
Palais Flirstenberg, the same Prince who married a 
Princess of Baden last year. He is having his house 
put in order, to settle here next August with his young 
wife. If the Prince comes, and is not beside himself 
with anger, he must be the most tasteless man that ever 
existed. His steward received me yesterday, and con- 
ducted me through an immense suite of rooms. When 
I saw the way they were decorated I did not know how 
to keep my countenance. Wherever the hand of the 
artist or artisan was busy, sculptures, pictures, furni- 
ture, hangings, and other works stare at the spectator 
like the phantasmagoria of a fever dream. The great 
chairs in the chief saloon of black pohshed wood stand 
on four gilded eagles' claws, and at their backs, in the 
form of a shield, are different arrangements of cupids 


and ea2;les in mlded wood. The furniture is of blue 
damask, ornamented with white mushn in great bunches, 
and edged with gold and silver, intermixed with green 
and red colours. All the rooms are alike. The two 
beds in the principal bedroom are hung with what 
represents shell-work and rock-work — on Avliich are 
squirrels (as thick as your fist), toads, and bats of gilded 
wood — and stand in an alcove, at the entrance of 
which hangs a lamp in the shape of a colossal owl, 
which draws a globe out of the satin hangings ; if the 
globe is covered the hght shines from the eyes of the 
owl. This horrible steward wished to hear my opinion 
of all these arrangements. I asked him whether his 
master had sent him the designs for everything. He 
assured me, with an expression of the greatest self-satis- 
faction, that this was not the case — he and the upholsterer 
had prepared all these things as surprises for the good 
Prince. ' How delighted the Prince will be,' said he, 
' when he learns that all these beautiful things have only 
cost 80,000 gulden.' 

The steward wished me to sleep opposite this owl. 
I assured him that I could not be the first to desecrate 
their Excellencies' marriage-bed, and betook myself to 
a room at the back, in which there were neither owls 
nor cupids. Hardly was I left alone in this room when 
a clock began to strike which made as much noise as a 
church bell. I got up to seek for the clock, but in 
vain. At last I found a small picture, represent- 
ing a village with a church, on the tower of which was 
a clock, which struck so loudly that it could be heard 
four houses off. As I did not wish to lose my night's 
rest, I had the unlucky picture taken down and put 
away. I lay down, when just at midnight a flute began 
tC) play quite close to my bed. Looking about, I founds 


it was my niglit-table which made this noise. After 
long search I found a knob, by pressing which the 
musical box close to my ear was temporarily silenced ; 
but from time to time it repeated its efforts to go off 
again, sounding something like suppressed groans. This 
morning, early, I sent for the steward and begged 
him to take away this piece of furniture, as I did not 
like to hear music at such unusual hours. ' It is the 
somnoj answered the good man, ' which I had made for 
the Princess ; the Prince's niglit-table contains a trumpet.' 
' Good heavens ! ' I cried, ' then do not their Excellencies 
sleep at all ? ' '0 yes,' answered the steward ; ' but 
young married people are easily tired, and that makes 
them sleep : besides, the music can be stopped.' ' But 
why,' asked I,' should there be any music to be stopped ? ' 
' Well now,' answered he, with a self-satisfied air, ' all 
sorts of pleasant things may happen to the Prince, and 
then he has always a trumpet ready.' This is all hke a 
dream ; but I would not advise any lady to have a 
somno that plays like a flute, or to allow her husband 
a hidden trumpet. Such amusements would wake up 
the whole neighbourhood. 

I hope to sleep well to-night, for I have liad the 
noisy contrivances one and all removed, to the great 
anger of the steward. I am certain the poor man 
despised me heartily for my stupidity and bad taste. 

409. May 28. — The marriage of the Archduke 
Rainer with the Princess of Carignan took place to-day. 
The bride is very lovely. Although she is half a head 
taller than I am, slie has a pretty figure. Her head is 
particularly fine, her eyes long and tender, her nose small 
and finely cut, the well-formed mouth conceals the most 
beautiful teetli I have ever seen ; yet, in spite of all these 
beauties, I cannot think so lari^e a woman charming. 

PRAGUE. 377 

410. May 31. — The memorable epochs at which I 
have visited this town followed quickly upon one 
another. In the year 1812 I spent two months here 
with the Empress of the French, and in 1813 gave her 
husband his death-blow. 

Yet, what to me is all that has rushed through my 
head and flowed from my pen during my public life ? 
My hfe may be unpleasant for me to experience, but my 
biography will certainly not be tedious. Especially in- 
teresting must be the years which I have passed with 
Napoleon as if we were playing a game of chess, and 
during which the object of both was — I to checkmate him, 
and he to surround me with all his pieces. These fifteen 
years seem to me to have passed like a moment of time. 

41 1. June 1. — This day seven years ago I left Vienna 
to accompany the Emperor, when he went to place 
himself at the head of the troops assembled in Bohemia 
At that very time I found Nesselrode on his travels in a 
small town ; he thought we were quietly in Vienna. I 
gave him a despatch for the Emperor Alexander, which 
was so short that I still remember every word of it. It 
ran thus : ' Your Majesty, we are there ; patience and 
confidence ! In three days I will see you, and in six 
weeks we shall be your allies.' 

Confidence did not exist then, but came after a 
time, and was justified. The patience could not be 
wanting, because we were quite determined not to move 
a step more quickly. 

412. Theresie?istadt, June 7. — I have spent half a 
day at a very beautiful estate. The whole country as 
far as Weltrus * is adorned by nature. The park is 
worthy of England. 

Often when I have happened to visit a hospitable 

* An estate belonging to Count Chotek. — Ed. 


domain which, far from the world, is removed from all 
the whirl of diplomacy, I feel like a prisoner who dis- 
covers a sunbeam. This light is not for me ; I know 
that it is only shown to me in order to put me back in 
my dark cell, and yet my heart is agitated and dreams 
of a happiness M'ith which I am not permitted to 
enchain myself. I am certainly one of the men least 
accessible to ambition, and most accessible to happiness. 
Wherefore has fate entangled me in a labyrinth which 
never leads to happiness ? We have a saint who at- 
tained to heaven because he stood on a column for I 
know not how many years on one foot. I, though I 
stand on two feet, may yet compare myself to St. 
Simon Stylites. His service was an uncomfortable 
position — mine is not better. He was patient, and I, too, 
have given many proofs of that virtue. But yet I fear 
that I shall not attain to heaven, for I have moments of 
such impatience that in a second I annul the service of 
many years. The legend asserts that the saint was never 
impatient, and that made his colleagues despair. 

413. Carlsbad, June 11. — Here I am again in the 
Carlsbad so much decried by the Eadicals of Germany 
during the last few years. The night before last I slept 
at Teplitz, at Prince Clary's ; and last night in Schonhof, 
a Schloss belonging to Count Czernin. According to 
all accounts, this is a good and honourable man, but 
notoriously very ugly. Prince Louis Kohan called him 
for several years ' ambassador from the dead,' a name 
which has clung to him ever since. 

414. Konigswart. — I came here two years ago to 
visit the grave of my father. Who could then have 
thought that I should so soon return to pray by the 
grave of a child then overflowing with youth, beauty, and 
happiness ! One of my friends has sent me the follow- 


ing verse, freely translated from Ossian : — ' Eest softly, 
lovely beam. Early didst thou sink behind the moun- 
tain, and dreadful was thy departure. Like the moon 
on the blue trembling waves. In darkness hast thou 
left us, first of maidens, come back ! ' 

No one must think that the last line expresses the 
feehng of the poor child ; she was simple, hke all true 
beauty, and had no suspicion that she was more notice- 
able than any of her friends. How often has she said 
to me, when the passers-by stopped to look at her, ' The 
people can never have seen a hat like mine : ' or she 
looked herself over to see if there was not something 
wrong with her toilet. She always thought others more 
beautiful than herself; and I saw once that she envied 
a httle ill-shaped girl her head. 

I am certain that Lawrence grieves for her, not on 
account of her beauty, for he has painted others still 
more beautiful, but because he likes me, and knows 
what I feel. Lawrence is a very good man ; he has 
plenty of sense, Avhich a man must have to be really 

It rains here ajjain, as it alwavs does. As I want to 
build, I have sent for my architect, Nobile. 

415. June 14. — The most necessary article here is 
an umbrella. Yesretation thrives witli this weather : the 
trees and meadows are wonderfully green. 

I had hoped to have eight or ten days here without 
being obliged to work, but I found to my horror four 
couriers assembled here from all corners of the world. 
The enjoyment of retirement is evidently not to be ex- 
pected by me. I have spent the whole day in writing, 
and it is now striking midnight. Of all my dependents, 
surely no one is awake longer than I am. 

416. June 15. — Since my last arrival here I have 


established two manufactories of earthenware, which 
look very modest, but are all the more useful. In one 
they make jngs for the Marienbad waters ; in the other, 
earthen pots for the Bohemian cooks. The object of 
both is to burn up some thousand stacks of wood which 
would otherwise rot to pieces in the forests. Nothing 
is more difficult than to promote the interests both of 
the wood and of my person, and if the former is trans- 
formed into pots, I am afraid the same thing may 
happen to me also. 

I do not wish, moreover, anyone to pay me the same 
compliment which one of her ladies once paid to our 
Emperor's second wife. The Empress was near her 
seventh or eighth confinement, and expressed her dread 
of it ; the lady wished to reassure her. ' But,' said the 
Empress, ' the pitcher goes to the well till it breaks.' 
' But your Majesty forgets,' returned the lady, ' what a 
very superior kind of pitcher your Majesty is.' There 
are different kinds of pitchers, it is true, but I know of 
none which do not break at last ; and I fear that the 
same lot which I prepare for them will happen to 

417. June 16. — Queen Caroline has arrived in 
Dover, and was drawn by the hands of the people from 
Dover to Canterbury. This does not astonish me ; a 
virtuous Queen, worthy of the crown, would in all pro- 
bability be bespattered with mud by the people ; she 
of course must be drawn in triumph. 

418. I am making a thorough course of mineral 
waters, of which I have twenty-two on the estate. I 
have had pubhc baths built at one place, where there 
are three excellent but different springs close together. 

This is the feast of St. Antonius, which is very cere- 
moniously solemnised in my private chapel. There is 


hardly any place in Bohemia where there is not a full 
orchestra and good chorus and solo singers. At the mass 
to-day my orchestra surprised me with a Gloria which 
was sung to the air ' Ombra adorata,' in which the first 
singer was accompanied with trumpets and kettledrums. 
The Latin Paternoster was ornamented with roulades, 
whereby the words became most absurd, as, for instance, 
' Da nobis pajmnem papanem, nem pa nem, pa pja! 
Certainly there could not be a child in the church who 
would not be convinced that he understood Latin. The 
melody pleased the peasants greatly. 

419. June 21. — To-day arrived an excellent and 
pleasant companion, Prince Schonburg, an enthusiastic 
sportsman and gay young fellow — a very agreeable 
guest in a lonely house. 

My plans for rebuilding the house are ready. My 
Schloss consists of a centre and two wings, of which one 
is only half-ready. When the whole is finished I shall 
be able to house thirty persons comfortably. 

420. June 29. — I have for some time decided to 
build a new vault. The old vault, where my ancestors 
and my poor daughter are buried, is badly placed. I 
have found a suitable spot for the building itself. I 
wrote to you some months ago of the destruction of a 
Schloss and a village by fire. Now, instead of rebuild- 
ing there a residence for the hving, I will make a resting- 
place for the departed — for me and mine. A mausoleum 
shall be erected to which there shallbe no second in 
Bohemia, and perhaps not in Europe. I like everything 
which defies time. I will therefore make an Egyptian 
monument — not, indeed, a pyramid, but a chapel with a 
vault in the Egyptian style, the only style which resists 
time and age. There is plenty of material lying on the 
spot itself; I only need to lay one stone upon another, 


There shall not be a bit of wood in the whole monu- 
ment, which shall be placed in a garden on a mound 
sixty feet high.* 

421. liosenau, July 2. — I left my place on the 3rd, 
and stayed a night on the way, so as not to reach 
Coburg too early. The lodging was very bad, which, 
however, did not signify to me much, for I always take 
with me my bed and my cook. 

Yesterday, at noon, I entered Coburg, and was sur- 
prised by all the doubtful pleasures of a strict etiquette. 
Marshals, chamberlains, pages, &c., awaited me when 
I alighted from the carriage. I was conducted to my 
abode hke the Holy Father in the procession of Corpus 
Christi. Visit of the Duke, return visit, visit to the 
Duchess, to the Dowager Duchess, to the Duchess's sister 
(Duchess A. von Wurtemberg), then a great dinner, 
and a greater Court, a great concert and a great supper. 
My sleeping time only was small enough to enchant me. 
To-day we shall leave the caj^ital and establish ourselves 
in the country ; etiquette, happily, will remain behind. 
Rosenheim is a very small Schloss ; we are only five 
here : the Duke, the Duchess and a cousin of hers, one 
of my gentlemen and I. The neighbourhood is charm- 
ing, the park is six miles round, and is well laid out ; I 
have seldom seen anything prettier or more convenient. 
In the evening the people had a festival, at which all 
but I danced with the peasants. I could only escape 
from dancing with a pretty villager by the story that I 
had a gun-shot in the calf of my left leg. 

422. July 4. — The Duke iiimself shows me about 
his territory. I find it, not a great, but a very beautiful 

* Schloss Miltigau, Ijurnt in 1820, seems to be alluded to. The family 
vault was built subsequently (1828). — Ed, 

COBURG. 383 

The Duke is having his Sclilos at Coburg rebuilt in 
the Gothic style. It will be very fine, but very costly, 
and he will devote to it the third part of his income. 

As etiquette is banished, I enjoy my present life very 
well. Besides I have not touched a pen for three days, 
which makes me quite happy. 

423. July 5. — ^Yesterday the Duke's architect 
showed me the plans for the new Schloss. The man 
has much talent ; his plans are excellent. If the Duke 
carries them out, it will be an edifice of magnificent di- 

The London news makes me quite unhappy. This 
Queen is really a horrible woman. If people knew what 
I know about her, they would be surprised at her 
audacity ; and yet there is no cause for surprise 
when one reflects how many people are taken in by it. 

424. Franzeiwhad. — Yesterday, after breakfasting 
with the Dowager-Duchess, Ileft Coburg, and was awaited 
here impatiently by my gentlemen and four couriers. 
This was the punishment for four days' freedom. The 
courier from St. Petersburg brings me the news that the 
Emperor Alexander is somewhat more satisfied with me. 
I am always j)leased when I observe that with time 
reason ever triumphs over unreason. I have gained 
a victory over Capo d'Istria, and therefore he does not 
talk to me any more. The book of the Apocalypse ap- 
pears for the moment to be closed, and as John 
preaches no more, he must be in the wilderness. How 
easily would things go on in this world if everyone 
would but move in the direction in which their noses 
lead them. This sometimes apparently useless part of 
the body seems to have been given to us by the Creator 
only for the purpose of showing us the way in which 
we ought to go, as you see sign-posts set up to point 


out tlie right road to travellers. These roads are 
always straight unless there is a pit or a swamp to be 

425. Carlsbad, July 9. — The Queen's trial in Lon- 
don a heap of dirt which one cannot touch without 
defihng oneself. Wellington is quite right, but if I had 
seen the Prince Eegent a year ago, everything would 
have been prevented. Castlereagh and Co. have not 
behaved cleverly. Two years ago I could have put 
them in a position to manage matters differently. 
Alarm and want of quickness have brought them into a 
position from which they will not easily emerge. 

I gather that tliis shameful trial makes a shocking 
impression in England. What would it be if people 
knew the circumstances more exactly ? No Enghsh 
mothers can allow their daughters to read the news- 
papers for a long time to come. 



Extracts from Mettei-nich's private Letters from. July 17 to 
October 16, 1820. 

426 From Weinzierl — news of the catastrophe at Naples — grave anxiety 
for the life of the Princess Marie (Countess Esterhazy) — the Neapolitan 
event. 427. Death of the Princess Marie. 428. Emperor Francis. 429. 
Metternich's family to be sent to Paris. 430. Firm attitude of the Em- 
peror Francis and Metternich. 431. Life like that of the year 1815 — 
military preparations. 432. Much work. 433. "What is to be done?' 
434. Napoleon's day. 435. Universal echo in Europe. 43G. Tedium. 
437. Clementine's birthday. 438. Meeting of three monarchs in Troppau. 
439. Day of the beginning of the Conferences. 440. Departure of the 
family to Paris. 441. Practical or obstinate ? 442. Too early or toe 
late?— the ' Journal des Debats.' 443. Metternich's wife in Paris. 444. 
From IloUitch— good news from St. Petersburg. 445. From Schlosd- 

426. Weinzierl, July 19, 1820. — Since yesterday I 
have been at the Imperial Scliloss. At eleven I left 
Carlsbad, arrived at Vienna on the lotli, and on the- 
14th went to my people at Baden, where, however, I 
could only stay one night. On the 15th, I was sum- 
moned back to Vienna by the news of the Neapolitan 
catastrophe. On the 16th I came here to the Emperor. 

In Baden I have much to go through. For three- 
or four months Marie has been unwell : all the symptoms 
of pregnancy were present. These symptoms disap- 
peared and were replaced by tlie dreadful certainty of a 
serious malady. I think her fearfully altered, so worn 
so weak, tliat I have no hope for her. In 7css than 
two montlis I shall have lo^t two daur^hters Heaven; 




sends me hard trials ; I submit to its decrees, and I hope 
they will be imputed to me in a better world. 

The Neapolitan event is beyond all calculation ; the 
consequences will be quickly seen, the remedies must 
not be long waited for. Are any of tliese to be de- 
pended upon ? I do not yet know, but I shall not be 
the last to put myself in the breach. Fate has made 
it easy for me — that is, fate will soon have left me so 
few ties to bind me to earth that it will be but a small 
service to put forth all my strength of mind and heart. 

This event must make a deep impression on the 
Emperor Alexander, all the more as the rebels boast of 
his countenance. Since 1815, Italy has been flooded 
with Eussians, who always were thought to spread the 
false idea that every so called liberal movement would 
find a protector in their Emperor. Here is the first 
movement : two squadrons of cavalry overturn a throne, 
and throw all the w^orld into inexpressible troubles. It 
will not go in Naples as it did at Madrid. Blood will 
How in streams. A semi-barbarous people, of absolute 
ignorance and boundless credulity, hot-blooded as the 
Africans, a people who can neither read nor write, 
whose last word is the dagger — such a people offers fine 
material for constitutional principles ! 

To-morrow I shall remain here, and on the 19th 
go back to Vienna, where I shall divide my time be- 
tween the capital and Baden. In Vienna I exjDect hard 
work, in Baden severe sorrow. 

427. Vienna, July 25.— On the 16th I left my 
daughter : on the 20th she was no more ! I received 
this dreadful news at the last post before Vienna. I 
found my wife and children at home, having just re- 
turned from Baden. My daughter departed this fife at 
eight in the morning ; her death was like her life, 

MARIE. 387 

gentle and calm, as the entrance of a spirit into its true 
home should be. 

My son-in-law remains behind by the body of his 
wife ; so great was his despair that he was obliged to be 
watched. In the afternoon he came here and watered 
my knees with his tears. He was harassed with the 
thousrht that I should not foro;ive him for this misfor- 
tune — he who had given up everything to make happy 
the being whom he loved so supremely. My grief is 
that of a man on whom great duties are still imposed. 
I must forget that I am a father — must silence all that 
nature itself finds it so difficult to overcome. I throw 
myself into my task like a desperate man on the enemies' 
batteries. I no longer live to feel, but to act. The 
burden which Providence lays upon me is very heavy, 
and would crush many men. As I loved this daugh- 
ter, she on her side loved me more than as a father. 
For many years she has been my best friend. I had no 
need to confide my thoughts to her : she divined them. 
She knew me better than I knew myself. She had never a 
thought which did not become mine, never spoke a word 
which in her place I would no>, have said. I was con- 
stantly impelled to thank her, that she was what she was. 
I have sustained an irreparable loss. The only blessing 
is tliat I feel myself but lightly bound to earth. 
My daughter would have died at my death ; I do not 
die at hers. She was therefore better than I am. 

In such a mood of mind the world weighs upon my 
shoulders with all the important matters it has of late 
heaped up. Even on the day of my daughter's death, I 
had to sit six hours in a ministerial council and eight at 
mj" writing table. 

I will do my duty, and from this time forward duty 
will take the place of life. 

C C 2 


428. July 26. — Heaven has placed me near a man 
who seems as if he had been made for me. The Emperor 
Francis does not lose a word. He knows what he wishes, 
and his wish is always good. Putting aside secondary 
considerations, he always goes straight to his object. 
He never throws down the ganntlet, but is ever ready 
to pick it up if it is thrown to liim. The difficulties are 
great ; destiny will decide whether we shall conquer. 
But what strength of mind, what purity of conscience, 
and calmness of judgment can accomplish, will be accom- 
plished. I also am as if made to continue the fellow- 
worker of the Emperor on his thorny path. 

In this I seek my refuge. The load at my heart 
oppresses me less ; work rather does me good. Whether 
I live I know not, and neither do I inquire. I treat my- 
self like a sick man. 

429. July 28. — ^It is just eight days to-day since my 
better half was placed in the grave. Why was it not 
myself? How much trouble should I have been spared. 
My poor child rests to-day in foreign soil. Her hus- 
band would have her laid in his vault ; my ashes will, 
therefore, never lie by hers. I comfort myself with the 
thouMit that I shall be united with her, and that for ever ! 

I and my wife, the poor mother, have arrived at a 
determination which lies very near to her heart as well as 
to mine. We will make a new sacrifice to duty and reason. 
Since the three other clnldren have all delicate chests, 
a continued residence in Vienna would be too dancrerous 
for them. My wife would like to take them for some 
years to Italy. My son, who must continue his studies, 
I should gladly send to the University of Padua or 
Sienna. In my present position and under present cir- 
cumstances Italy would be impossible for them. Neither 
could I send my son to Germany ; he might be mur- 


dered. For such plans I am too much exposed to the 
attacks of Eadicals of every country. Therefore I will, 
next September, send the whole family to Paris, where 
they can remain as long as it is necessary. I shall re- 
main alone in the world, but I shall lind comfort in 
thinking that my family are together, and are removed 
from the effect of the Vienna chmate. During the last 
twenty years eight persons have died in my house, seven 
of them from lung disease. Experiences like this can- 
not be withstood ; one must bend before them. 

430. Jidy 29. — I luive no longer any domestic hfe. 
Everything is being prepared for the journey. My son- 
in-law goes with them to Paris, and will remain there, 
which is a great advantage for my son, as he will serve 
as father and tutor to him. 

The Emperor and I will give the world a great 
example ; we will not leave our posts. If we are de- 
stroyed, many will have to smart for their crimes and 
theii- folly first. The high character of the Carbonari, 
the party which has led all the others, is the anxiety. 

I have good news from St. Petersburg. Capo d'lstria 
feels himself thoroughly beaten. Much has to be settled 
between the Emperor Alexander and me. It is not pos- 
sible to form an idea of Golowkin's simphcity ; it can 
only be tolerated on account of his good intentions, 
wliich are decidedly good. He is one of those men 
who have no leading thouglit. Correct and incorrect, 
ultramontane and liberal, Christian and heathen — such 
are his changes in one quarter of an hour. 

431. Au(jU8t 1. — The whole day yesterday I was 
with the Emperor at Schonbrunn. My hfe is now like 
tliat which I led in the year 1815. I am busy witli 
generals and military affairs of every kind ; at first it 
was only a question of 50,000 men, but witli the 38,000 


who are already in Italy it will increase to quite a large 
army. Many people are astonished that we can so 
quickly set it in motion. No country is so quiet as 
Austria in time of peace ; none so active as Austria when 
it is necessary. No great movement is visible, but every- 
thing goes forward quickly. At the battle of Leipsic 
our allies had only one-third, but Austria brought to the 
battle-field the other two-thirds of the main force. We 
are very bad proclaimers of our wares. What will come 
of it ? God knows. But I know what has to be done 
to-day, and I shall know what to do to morrow. 

432. August 6. — I sit at my writing-table like a 
bankrupt in a tavern. He drinks to forget the loss of 
his goods : I work to drown the distress of my mind. 
My head remains clear ; it is with me as if I had two 
minds, which are like the double l^ellows that maintain 
the fire in the great furnaces, making me always blaze 
up : if one fails, the other increases, which has this 
result — that I always go forward. 

My position has this peculiarity that all eyes, all ex- 
pectations are directed to the point on which I find myself. 

My days and part of my nights are dedicated to my 
work. I am more strange to myself than all the people 
who pass by my window. In the evening, at the sight 
of all I have accomplished, I perceive that life still re- 
mains in me, but of the feeling of life I have none. 

433. August 8. — My head is tired and my heart 
dried up, and in this state I feel the world resting on my 
shoulders. If I should deceive myself for a moment I 
am brought to recollection by the arrival of some courier 
with the declaration, ' What will you do ? ' They say, 
' We have confidence only in you. Our fate, is in your 
hands ; what shall we do ? ' That is the substance of all 
the despatches which arrive, and two-thirds of the ques- 


tioners are always ready to perpetrate some folly, be- 
cause they have neither spirit nor courage. 

A Httle while ago the Emperor Alexander made the 
following declaration : — ' Since the year 1814 I have 
often been mistaken as to the mind of the public : what 
I thought true I find now to be false. I have done 
much evil ; I will make every effort to make it good 
again.' Indeed, there are many errors which are not 
known till the evil is to be seen. The man who allows 
errors to be seen is no statesman ; but if he admits that 
he has made a mistake, he is at least an honourable 
man, and that the Emperor Alexander is. 

Capo d'lstria appears to have retired to the second 
rank, out of which he ought never to have advanced. 

One of my plagues is the residence of the Emperor 
at Schonbrunn. True, it is not far off, but the back- 
wards and forwards takes me an hour, and I often have 
to go twice in the day. 

434. August It) (Napoleonstag). — This is the day of 
the great accursed ! if he were still on the throne, and 
he were alone in the world, I should be happy. 

This day twelve years ago, I was at one of Napoleon's 
cercles ; he had the notion of placing himself at the head 
of the army in Spain, we on our side were making 
preparations for the war of the year 1809. I was 
openly and shar])ly questioned by him with regard 
to these preparations,* and I had the satisfaction of 
telling him several trutlis in the presence of the 
assembled plenipotentiaries of Europe. He expected to 
do a good stroke of business, and it turned out that it 
was done by me. In the evening he sent the Minister 
of Foreign Affairs to me, to assure me of liis friendsliip 
and perfect satisfaction. Nothing spoils a trick so 
much as the bold utterance of truth. I would cer- 



tainly as soon be cunning as stupid, but I should prefer 
to be neither of the two, and if God does not forsake 
me, the world will not have to reproach me with either 
one or the other. 

435. August 17. — I am w^ell pleased with all that 
I hear from every side. I hear an echo everywhere in 
Europe. There is as yet no breath of air from the 
North, but it too will soon reach us. If it blows from 
the hisjhest summits it will not be warm : if it comes 
from the low ground it will smell of mud ! 

436. August 20. — It is said that from uniformity 
comes tedium ; the uniformity in which I live is not 
without change, and the result is that I feel no tedium, 
without being any the happier. 

I do not always sleep well. If my thoughts get the 
mastery over me, I often lie awake ; I often remain 
lying for an hour without altering my position, and 
ruminate ; then I feel what is laid upon me, and the 
burden seems to me out of proportion to my strength. 
Difficulties and dilemmas crowd upon me, till at last I 
hear a voice which rises in me notwithstanding every 
obstruction. Then I feel myself grow continually 
larger, and I endptxr me croire immense. Everything is 
in extremes at such a moment when the mind is dis- 
turbed by no outward object. Tired out I ftdl asleep, 
and Avlien I wake in the morning I find a plan in my 
head quite ready ; this plan I have not thought out : it 
seems to arise of itself. 

Not to misunderstand wliat is here said, it is neces- 
sary to be placed exactly in my position. 

437. September 1. — My poor Clementine would 
have been sixteen to-day. She keeps her birthday in 
that place where there is neither sorrow nor pain. 
Full of pity, she looks down upon her earthly remains, 


which so short a thue ago were so full of charm. She 
pities her father and mother, and prepares for them a 
sweet and eternal union. Time is nothing to those who 
stand beyond it ; she must feel one with us, but it is 
more sad for me because I am so far away from her. 

The day before her death Clementine said to her 
mother, as I went out of the room : ' Don't you think 
it must do anyone good to see Papa ? He looks so gentle 
and calm, that I cannot understand how it is that some 
people are afraid of him : as for me, I always think he 
makes me well and happy.' The poor httle thing did 
not guess that what she thought was calm, was death at 
my heart ! 

438. September 3. — It is proposed that the three 
monarchs shall meet at Troppau in the latter part of 
September. Lebzeltern has just come. To-morrow I 
shall examine him. 

439. Sej^tember 17 . — The new Conference will be- 
cfin on October 20. I am so accustomed to conferences 
that it does not alarm me. This will be the third con- 
ference in less than a year. If I do not learn the 
business it is my own fault. Nesselrode is coming : 
the Emperor Alexander will not meet me alone. 

Will anyone come from London ? and who ? Castle- 
reagh is desired by many, but he will not be able to 
come ; for this matter Welhngton would be nominated. 
Will he come or will they choose to send him ? 

After the Troppau Conference is over, a permanent 
Conference shall be estabhshed in Vienna. This I had 
proposed more than a year ago. Mean passions have 
prevented it, and urgent necessity now brings it forward. 

440. Sejytember 2b. — My family has started; lam 
now alone here in my great abode. As for me, I have 
lost one hour in my day, the only one in which I was 


quite sure to belong to myself. I always spent the time 
from 9 to 10 o'clock with my wife and my children. 
This hour was happiness to them, to me it was a con- 
solation. I have made this sacrifice also. My life con- 
sists of sacrifices, and one more privation counts for 
nothing to one whose life is all privation ; my existence 
is too much like that of a clock, Je marche toujours 
pour marquer les heures. I serve others while 1 wear 
myself out. 

441. October 1. — The society of the present day has 
come to its latter end. Nothing remains quiet, eithei 
in the moral or physical world, and society has reached 
iio zenith. Under these circumstances so-called moving 
forwards is moving downwards. The evil, too, attains 
its highest point, and then falls. Such times appear to 
contemporaries very long, but wliat are two or three 
centuries in the journal of history ? 

I have not been able to reconcile either my under- 
standing or my judgment to what lias happened since 
the year 1814. That was the possible moment for 
salvation. I consider myself practical ; that I was so 
then has been made evident. 

The world has judged me as it is accustomed to 
judge itself, and has deceived itself about me as well as 
about itself. I believe I was not deceived ; I cherish but 
one passion, that for justice and moderation. They bring 
me, however, daily perplexities. They urge me to the 
greatest of all sacrifices — the sacrifice of my private life, 
and all the enjoyments, great and small, which contri- 
bute to make up tlie life of a man. But if I had to begin 
over again, I would place myself upon the same ground, 
because it is the only ground approved by my reason 
and my conscience. 

442. October 6. — My life has fallen at a hateful 


time. I have come into the world either too early or 
too late. Now, I do not feel comfortable ; earlier, I 
should have enjoyed the time ; later, I should have 
helped to build it up again ; to-day I have to give my 
Hfe to prop up the mouldering edifice. I should have 
been born in 1900, and I should have had the twentieth 
century before me. 

The journal 'La Gazette de France ' contains some 
articles signed by a certain Colnet, which are malicious, 
but well written. The articles always hit hard ; they 
are indeed ultra, which I am not ; but as I cannot 
bear the Eadicals, I always rejoice over every well-dealt 
blow that tliey receive. 

Whoever takes up the ' Journal des Debats ' will, 
without knomng it, read me ; there is hardly a week in 
which I do not send it some papers. But still no one 
must suppose that all the articles from Vienna in the 
Paris newspapers are from my pen. The chief corre- 
spondent is a ladies' hairdresser ; often pieces of infor- 
mation which he gives, not one is true. Besides which, 
he offers his al^surdities in a style which could not be 
more shallow or more stupid. 

443. October 9. — I have news of my wife. She 
will be in Paris in two or three days. Her letters 
breathe of health. She is safely out of the town, and 
that Avas the necessity ; had she remained in Vienna she 
would liave fallen into marasmus. From great misfor- 
tunes comes a peculiar reversed sort of home-sickness 
directed to foreign countries, and that was the case with 
her. A place in which one has been happy may, by the 
loss of that happiness, become unbearable. Every corner, 
every face, indeed every shadow, recals our pain. Tlie 
house in which I live is certainly too large : the part 
which I use is quite separate from that of my wife and 


cliiklren. What in ordinary times is an evil will now 
be a real benefit to me. The whole of that part is cut 
off. I cannot without horror go into the room where 
my poor Clementine died, and I have not been able to 
prevail on myself to revisit my Marie's house. 

444. BoUitsch, October 14. — I have instinctively 
made a circuit to come here. My instinct has often 
before had to replace the talent Heaven has denied me. 
Yesterday evening, as I entered Brunn on one side, Leb- 
zeltern came in on the other. I have thus gained an 
evening and a forenoon, and a few hours in my hfe are 
as much as months with other people. What Lebzel- 
tern brings me from Petersburg is both excellent and 
important — excellent as to the moral feeling of the 
Emperor ; important as to the confusion of Capo d'Istria's 
thoughts, as he takes in all my plans. An experienced 
commander does not allow himself to give way to a 
feeling of anxiety the evening before the battle ; and I 
must, under present circumstances, fearlessly bear the 
thought of joining in the great debates. 

445. Wiczomirciz, October' 16. — I w^rite to-day 
from one of my estates, the name of which I spare you. 
It is Ultra-Sclavonian, and, therefore, difficult to pro- 
nounce. Since this property hes between Holhtsch and 
Troppau, I liave so arranged that I can remain here two 
days. In 1817 I came here with Marie, and have not 
been here since. 

Wiczomirciz and Kojetain make a fine estate. The 
latter, an insignificant market-town, lies in an extremely 
fruitful pleasant country. Everything here looks 
pleasant and well-to-do. The meadows in the fore- 
ground, the Car|)athian mountains in the distance, the 
beautiful plains, with their fertile fields and well-to-do 
people, all form the picture of a cheerful rich countr3^ 



Extracts from Metternich's private Letters from October 19 to 
December 24, 1820. 

44fi. Arrival .at Troppau. 447. Arrival of the Emperor Alexander. 448. 
Capo d'Istria. 449. Conversation with Capo d'Istria. 450. Conversation 
with Nesselrode. 451. The Puchess of "Wurtemherg, Metternich's 
sister — a cuiious incident. 452. Utopia. 453. Good results. 454. Con- 
staat kindness of the Emperor Alexander to Metternich. 455. The freak 
of the Semanoffsky regiment. 456. Capo d'Istria at the Conference. 457. 
Scandal of Queen Caroline's trial. 458. Deration to await the answer of 
Naples — conference with the Emperor Alexander. 459. Mud in Troppau. 
460. Nesselrode. 401. End of the first act. 462. Love of tea. 46-3. 
Everything frozen. 464. Golowkin a Tea-anthrope. 465. No news from 
Naples. 406. Search for news 467. The King of Naples arrives and 
we go to Lavbach. 


446. Troppau^ October 19, 1820. — Here I am. 
What I shall accomplish I know not. Wliat I shall do 
I know. Will anything happen ? Yes I Will anything 
good happen ? Yes ! Will the general- result corre- 
spond with the great sensation ? 1 fear not ! This is my 
catechism till the moment when deeds can take the 
place of words. The first I love, the latter I hate. 

My Emperor is already here ; the Eussian monarch 
comes to-morrow. 

I am well Iodized, and that is somethincf. I shall 
have no time to be weary, and I hope even that I shall 
have the opportunity of making my stay here com- 
paratively pleasant. 

447. October 20. — The Emperor Alexander has 
ai rived. The Emperor Francis was confined to his bed, 


and therefore could not go to meet him. I awaited 
him on his arrivaL He received me hke an old comrade 
in arms : there are, it is true, arms of various kinds. 

I find him grown stronger, but not aged. The 
little town contains an extraordinary number of pretty 
and convenient houses, and the Conference is very well 
accommodated. The Troppau people are quite proud 
of the noise they are making in the world ; they are 
more astonished than I am, and I am not a httle aston- 
ished to find myself here. 

448. October 21. — I have made use of my morn- 
ing in reading and understanding the Eussian Premier. 
Judge of my amazement ; he did not make one apoca- 
lyptic utterance. This is unnatural, but it is never- 
theless true. However, the true is often not probable. 
What has happened in Capo d'lstria's seventh heaven ? 
He has simply fallen to earth — like truth, but not with 
his eyes blinded, like hers. 

Our conversation began in this way : with both my 
feet on the ground I had chosen — the ground of simple 
reason — I broke in at once. He stood quite firm. By 
way of experiment I left him there. He did not follow 
me. I again sprang upon him, and found him taking 
even a firmer position ; in fact, a mountain is not firmer. 
' Pour le coup,' I said to myself, ' this is too strong. 
I will put him to the proof. Now I will make an attack 
on the apocalypse.' He went ^vith me, even bearing 
the torches to light the auto-da-fe for the book of the 
unreal John. I attacked his past ; he cursed it. I placed 
the future firmly before him ; he seemed quite agreeable. 
At last I lauo;hed — and he lauo;hed. I believe if I had 
wept he would have dissolved in tears. From that 
moment I tliought to myself, ' Now we can go for- 
ward ; and oh, the mii-acle ! he goes too ! ' 


So is also the Emperor of Paissia. He blames him- 
self — nay, condemns himself. This is too beautiful, 
and if I did not touch myself, I should think I was 
dreaming. During my three hours' conversation with 
the Emperor Alexander yesterday, I found in him the 
same pleasant manners which surprised me in 1813 : 
but he has become much wiser than he was in 1813. 
I begged him to explain this change to me. He 
answered quite openly : • You do not understand me : I 
will tell you. From the year 1813 to 1820 is seven 
years, and tliese seven years are hke a century to me. 
In the year 1820 I will at no price do what I did in the 
year 1813. You are not altered, but I am. You have 
nothing to regret, but I have.' ' As is the master, so is 
the servant,' I said to myself. Now we will wait ; 
Nesselrode is to come. 

449. October 29. — To prepare myself for my 
conference to-day I had an hour's conversation with 
Capo dlstria. I was cpiite well disposed to hear him. 
This encouraged him. He went ofl' and lost himself in 
a long investigation of middle-class society ; its strength, 
its weakness, its nerves, its sensitiveness, its component 
parts, its health or sickness, and its disintegration or 
death. The deuce take me if I did not know all this at 
twelve years old ! As my attention was directed only 
to the outcome of his long discourse, I was at last 
thoroughly disappointed. The endless tirade concluded 
with the declaration : 'This is the position of the affair ! ' 
This I call political pathology, and nothing strengthens 
me more in the supposition that I have some sense than 
those occasions when anyone, hke him, wishes to be 
very clever in order to show off his intellect. In my 
opinion, he only really has mind who speaks clearly. 
The mind must be a \\<i\\i without smoke. It warms 


and vivifies everything that it touches. If it does 
neitlier the one nor the other it is of bad qnahty. A 
small, mean intellect is nothing but small, mean stupidity. 
My intellect says to me, ' Capo d'Istria has none.' I 
wager that he will say the same of me ; and this only a 
jury can decide. 

450. November 1. — Evenings on which the storm 
rages and beats with heavy raindrops on the windows 
seem to be made for confidential communications. This 
often repeated experience is newly confirmed by the 
long conversation I have just had with ISTesselrode. He 
sat just in front of me at the same table at which 
I write, and left me ten minutes ago. Nesselrode 
began himself to speak of the impossibility of leaving 
Golowkin in Vienna ; the Emperor will no longer read 
his Eeports, and Capo d'lstria wall not hsten to him. This 
is certainly a very useful man at all times, but especially 
in the present. 

451. Novemher 3. — My sister (Duchess of Wurtem- 
berg) came here two days ago. She came to give the 
Duke a good opportunity to speak to the Emperor 
Alexander. The latter, who is always glad to find any- 
one to talk to, lias for two days hardly left his aunt. 
People like much lioth to see and listen to her, for she 
has plenty of sense and is also very pleasing. 

A comical incident took place between aunt and 
nephew. He was quartered in a small and bad house. 
Towards the end of the second evening after she arrived 
she remarked something; move in one corner of the ceil- 
ing. On looking closer, she discovered a very small 
window, which the house-steward during tliese two 
evenings had let for so much a head to anyone who 
was curious to see the Emperor of Russia in friendly 
society without being remarked. Happily the interview 


was quite harmless, or we should have had seemingly a 
new edition of the English trial. If ever Queen Caroline 
travels through Troppau, care must be taken that she 
is lodged in this apartment. 

452. November 4. — People say the kingdom of the 
Utopians will soon begin. One may rely for that on De 
Pradt, Benjamin Constant, Wilson, as well as Lady Jersey. 
. . . The whole Russian pohcy forms an interesting 
object of observation. There are people conducting it 
of whom each one pursues a different end. The Emperor 
has not only returned to his former views, but takes a 
standpoint entirely opposed to that which he has occu- 
pied for some years. Capo dTstria must turn with the 
wind, but against his will, which causes him to make a 
constant see-saw. Nesselrode is morally dead ; it is just 
as if he were not there at all. 

463. November 8. — Horrible weather ! Winter has 
begun, and will not leave us again for foiir long months. 
The most beautiful winter sun is no sun to me, because 
a warmer cold is not warmth, and light alone is no fire. 
The Congress has its dark sides : first, the quantity of 
work ; then, the small town ; lastly, the bad time of year. 
Such small details are unnoticeable by the Lords of 
the Creation, but I find that I never accomplish much 
with a bad setting for my work. Placed on the Tribune 
of the Capitol, I should speak quite otherwise than I 
possibly can in Troppau. I require plenty of space, and 
cannot accommodate myself to the small and contracted; 

However, we are coming to great and fitting results. 

Li my whole life I have only known ten or twelve 
persons with whom it was pleasant to speak— 2. e. who, 
keep to the subject, do not repeat themselves, and do 
not talk of themselves ; men who do not listen to their 
own voice, who are cultivated enough not to lose- them- 


selves in commonplaces ; and, lastly, who possess tact 
and good taste enough not to elevate their own persons 
above their subject. 

464. November 10. — The friendliness of the Eus- 
sian Emperor for me continues. It is a return to the 
year 1813. If he had been in the year 1815 as he was 
in the year 1813, there would have been no 1820. 

455. November 15. — We to-day received the 
news of the houtade of the regiment of SemanofFsky : 
there is not much in it, and yet it is unpleasant.* 
There is nothing in the fact itself, but much in the 
significance which the general pubhc will give to it. 
Three couriers arrived last night one after the other. 
Immediately afterwards the Emperor Alexander called 
for me, and told me of the affair. We looked at it exactly 
in the same light. The Emperor has so altered altogether 
that these agreements are now more common. 

The Emperor Alexander thinks some ground must 
have been given to induce the three thousand Russian 
soldiers to conduct which is so Httle in keeping with the 
national character. He thinks, indeed, that the Eadicals 
have made this stroke to intimidate him and bring about 
his return to St. Petersburg. I do not beheve this ; it 
would be indeed too shocking, if the Radicals in Russia 
could already control whole regiments ; but this shows 
how the Emperor has altered. 

456. November 20. — If I must sit opposite to Capo 
dTstria at the Conference table and read his elaborations, 
which is worse than to hear him speak, I am so confused, 

"* In the orders of the day left by the Emperor Alexander, dated Troppau, 
NovemLer 14, we find, with regard to this affair, that a company of Seman- 
off'sky's body-guard regiment, renouncing their duty and their obedience, had 
assembled on their own authority, late in the evening, to make complaints 
against their officers, and that, when for this violence they were put under 
control, the other companies refused to submit. — Ed. 

CAPO d'istria. 403 

and my thoughts wander so much that I am always uneasy 
lest I should perpetrate some stupidity. In all the do- 
cuments sent forth the thoughts are mine ; but the 
drawing up is by Capo d'istria, in consequence of which 
I very often do not recognise my own thoughts. We 
lose much time in correcting and amending. Thus we 
yesterday had a discussion of two hours over the choice 
of the two words reclamer and inviter. Of what avail 
was it to point out that the word reclamer betokens a 
right, whilst inviter asserts no right ? The grammatical 
difficulty over, no other difficulty arose. 

It is really inexplicable how the Emperor Alexander 
can have patience with Capo dTstria. I am still not quite 
clear whether the Emperor knows what he wants ; but 
his language is as plain as mine. I am on the same 
footing with him as I was in 1813, go to him when I 
may, and we talk for hours together without ever dis- 

467. November 27. — I consider the lawsuit against 
the Queen of England, its beginning, its conduct, and 
its consequences, as one of the most unfortunate cata- 
strophes of our time. Everything suffers under this 
scandal — the public morals, the honour of the throne, 
and the honour of both sexes. 

Here, we are gradually attaining results. They are 
unhappily not successful to the degree I had wished ; 
with Capo dlstria it is even difficult plainly to carry out 
a plain benefit. The division of our influence runs, 
indeed, as follows : I shall gain eighty-five per cent, of 
the victories, and with the rest he will bring the world to 
peace, reason to his way of thinking, and sound human 
sense to do him honour. Capo dlstria is not a bad man, 
but, honestly speaking, he is a complete and thorough 
fool ; a perfect miracle of wrong-headedness. He lives 

D D 2 


in a world to wliicli our minds are often transported by 
a bad nightmare. Besides, he is a man of such over- 
powering vanity as passes human comprehension ; yet 
such a man is placed in such a position ! 

458. November 29. — We have just decided that we 
will await here the answer from Naples : wait, at the 
least, that is, till the end of December here — still many 
days to be consumed, therefore, of that shoreless ocean 
which men call Time. I arrive at the end of one of these 
days, as I shall once arrive at the end of my existence — 
i.e. without having Uved. What remains of me will by 
that time have been devoured by the paper- worms in 
the chests, with the exception of that which fifty years 
after my death will see the light. Then my grand- 
children, if I have the happiness of having any to leave 
behind, will learn that they had a grandfather who 
could see, think and desire. 

I conferred this evening for three hours with the 
Emperor Alexander. Since we have no particular busi- 
ness to do, our conversation included the whole extent 
of the horizon. People might think that the Emperor 
now first came into the world and opened his eyes. He 
is now at the point where I was thirty years ago. Only 
from a great elevation can one see well in this world ; 
but first of all one must stand below in wind, rain, and 
storm, because from so elevated a position one can only 
form a true idea of objects when we have already seen 
them closely. We do not learn to fight in the arsenal, 
nor to foresee, defy, and master the storm in a harbour. 

When I think of things in this way I see how easily 
it might happen to me, in case I were a Eadical or a 
demagogue, to prostrate the mighty ones of this world. 

459. December 1. — The soil of Troppau is as greasy 
and soft as butter. People paddle about in it as if it 


were iced cliocolate ; so a very good idea lias occurred 
to the town authorities. As no one can go out of any 
door without sinking up to his knees, the magistrate has 
had some thousand planks laid down one after the other. 
This forms a narrow but very convenient path, which is 
trodden daily by the Congress, the Court ladies, their 
admirers, and others. This is all very well when people 
are going in one and the same direction, but not so when 
they meet ; the more pohte must make way for the less 
pohte, and put at least one foot off the plank. The 
Emperor Alexander walks every day on these planks, 
and of course all men who meet him walk into the mud ; 
and when any lady comes from an opposite direction 
the Emperor himself must go into the mud, unless she 
contrives to do so first. Consequently there ensues a 
fight in the mire which would give Mr. Cruikshank 
opportunity for endless caricatures. Moreover, what 
happens to his Imperial Majesty happens also to the 
most discreet Minister and clerk. Since the civilisation 
of the world, never was such a contest between duty 
and disgust, or policy and mud. These walks are the 
best test of individual peculiarities. They bring many 
virtues to light — i.e. neighbourly love, respect for supe- 
riors, homage to the fair sex, &c. Unhappily Troppau 
affords another and a sad proof of how little this 
wretched century knows how to reward virtue. The 
most virtuous invariably step into the mud. But enough 
on this subject. 

460. December 5. — It is a pity that Nesselrode 
keeps himself so entirely in the background. I do not 
comprehend how a man can put himself so completely 
in the shade 1 hat he should put on another person's cloak 
and wear a mask instead of showing his own face. . . . 

In writing it very often happens that I leave out 


many a verb or noun — a very bad habit. In my pri- 
vate office I have a secretary, whose duty it is to supply 
these omissions. As he has filled this position for ten 
years, he knows my thoughts ; but sometimes he does 
not succeed in guessing, and then he asks me. Generally 
I take the pen out of his hand and strike out the whole 
sentence, which is both convenient and useful, for in 
business one always says rather too much than too 
little. . . . A propos of letters, there is in Paris a very 
good arrangement, by which a packet or letter can be 
taken, and a receipt given for it, with a number and 
device. The packet or letter will then only be given to 
the person who shows the same number and device. 
"Writer and receiver are by this means for ever un- 

461. December 11. — We have arrived at the end of 
the first act of the play. As a hundred arrangements 
have to be made, my study is more than ever like a 
head-quarters. The King of Naples may come or he 
may stay away : measures must be taken to suit both 
cases. If he does not come, action must be taken as 
quick as lightning, and Jupiter only can thunder by 
knitting his eyebrows. Ah ! what easy work had 
Jupiter ! 

462. December 15. — The day before yesterday, in 
the evening, I had a remarkable conversation with the 
Emperor Alexander. We remained from seven till eleven 
o'clock together. One great proof of our mutual friendly 
feeling lies in Tea. If we drink tea alone together we 
agree very well. 

That reminds me of a story of an acquaintance of 
mine in Paris who had a mistress. Daily, or rather 
nightly, he visited her at three o'clock in the morning, 
talked with her for an hour, then sat down near her 


bed and took up his violin, wliich lie played 'till six 
o'clock. Then the fair one had to get up ; he lay down 
and slept till two o'clock. Now, if his mistress was 
pleasant his violin was taken there : if they had a quarrel 
no violin was to be seen. Tea is our viohn. If we don't 
get on well together — there is no tea. 

During the above conversation I expressed myself 
about Capo d'Istria — tea made it more easy. After I 
had read to the Emperor a very interesting document, 
I asked him, 'Does your Majesty understand me?' 
' Yes, thoroughly.' ' How is it, then, that Capo d'Istria 
never understands me ? ' 'I have often reproached him 
with that : it comes to this, that he always thinks you 
want something else.' ' And he is not mistaken ; above 
all I wish that with his good heart he had also a sound, 
manly understanding.' 

Thanks to tea, everything was well taken. Ah I if 
that aromatic beverage could only set Capo d'Istria's head 
a little right ! Good heavens ! what a cargo of tea would 
I have from China ! 

463. December 18. — It freezes sharp. The boards 
have become unnecessary ; the whole country is a 
board. Everything that comes to us from London is 
most miserable, which neither astonishes nor surprises 
me. If I can do what I will with Capo d'Istria, all will 
go well and quickly. The Emperor Alexander will be, 
through his Minister, only an obstruction ; but for the 
latter, everything would have been iinished to-day. 

464. December 20. — This evening my cousin (Flora 
Wrbna), who does the honours in Troppau, offered 
Golowkin a cup of tea. He answered her with a 
thoughtfid air : ' Do not ask me, for I like it, but it 
does not agree with me. I am an unfortunate Tea- 


Golowkin would have less trouble if he studied a 
greater simplicity of language. It would have been less 
pretentious of him if he said simply, as the lady said, ' I 
am very glad not to take spinach, for since I once ate it, 
I cannot bear the sight of it.' 

Here it must be remarked that Golowkin, who con- 
siders himself a philanthropist, is especially pleased with 
the word, althoug-h he neither knows the meaning- of the 
thing nor that the Greek Anthropos means man, and 
the first word means friend. Philo-tea would, there- 
fore, be more correct, and would sound better than 

465. December 21. — Still no news from Naples — a 
proof that the scamps there are still quarrelling : to give 
each other a good beating they have not the courage. 

466. December 23. — One runs to the other for news : 
' Are they going ? ' ' Will they wait ? ' ' Now ? ' ' When ? ' 
Since the invention of embassies — a very old and honour- 
able invention ; since that of writing — a not less old but 
often less honourable invention — I have never experienced 
anything so perfect as the silence of our representative 
in Naples. But for a httle Prussian Jew who is there, 
because he is everywhere, we should know absolutely 
nothing. From the little we learn from this Jew, we 
imagine that the King is coming. 

467. December 24. — The courier has just arrived. 
The King is coming, and we are going to Laybach. I 
start to-morrow morning, my Emperor the next morn- 
ing, the Emperor Alexander on the 27th. 

This is decisive. 



468. Metternicli to Neumann (Letter), Vienna, January 25, 1820. 

468. I liave no doubt that Lord Castlereagh will be 
satisfied with the turn which I have been able to give to 
the political and mihtary question. It is on this ques- 
tion — the most important, without any doubt, for Austria 
and Prussia — that there have always been the greatest 
number of opposite ideas and wishes in the German 
Courts. Some, such as Prussia, wished for what would 
have been dangerous for the federation and danger- 
ous for Europe to agree to. Others, such as Bavaria 
and Wurtemberg, have always wished to isolate us in 
this question of federation. In case of war between 
Austria, Prussia, and Eussia, Bavaria would thus be 
found at the head of the purely German federation. 
This attitude would have commenced by a declaration 
of armed neutrality. The progress of events would 
have regulated the rest without the possibility of judg- 
ing of its extent. 

The substance of these thoughts is found in many 
of the instructions brought here by the different pleni- 
potentiaries. It is partly owing to the care which I 
have taken to adjourn the discussion on this matter that 

• In connection with the documents of the year 1819, Nos. 374-380, — 


I have gained my cause. It was necessary to establish 
for the allies such security, and even such advantages, 
as to blind them to what they consider sacrifices. 
The acts will be submitted for the ratification of the 
Courts. It is possible, and perhaps even probable, that 
on this occasion Bavaria and Wurtemberg will make 
some resistance, but they wall be obliged to give way. 
One does not pull down a whole building because one 
corner is inconvenient to live in ; my anxiety is, so to 
unite the different parts of the federal edifice that even 
to wish to pull down one is to attack them all. 

I have no doubt that the complete result of the Con- 
ference will be sent to the Courts from the 12th to the 
15th February. An immense work will have been done 
in a very little time ! Only the experience which I have 
acquired in the course of the six last years of Congress 
could have brought about such results as those which 
we offer to Europe. 

Metternich to Bechberg, Bavarian Minister of Foreign 
Affairs, Vienna, end of January, 1820. 

469. .... The whole of Germany — her right- 
thinkincf men as well as the others — is deceived as to 
the object of our meeting at Vienna. 

Everybody thought we were going to overthrow all 
that is connected with the forms, which unhappily 
have been transplanted to the German soil (that soil 
so historical, so classical, and so great), in the course 
of the two or three last years. Some have thought 
we were right to do so, others have raised a great 
outcry. Now, we are not doing what tliey expected, 
and I declare frankly that in my soul and conscience 
I do not allow myself to regret it, because I cannot 
regret what is impossible. 


This arises, too, from what is now taking place 
among you, and what will probably present itself still 
more strikingly in Wurtemberg, as it does everywhere 
and always, when people only follow the impulse of 
a party. . . . 

I have taken care to hasten the interpretation of 
Article XIII.,* for I foresaw the necessity of removing, 
both from you and from Wurtemberg, the only opposi- 
tion which had any real foundation in justice. 

Your Constitution is, without any doubt, the least 
bad of any in the south of Germany ; whilst that of 
Wurtemberg seems to me not to work well. I have 
written lately to St. Petersburg, that I believe the result 
of our Conferences will be most disastrous for the King 
of. Wurtemberg and for his people, seeing they will 
be condemned to preserve their Constitution. 

This is not exactly the case with you. You can be 
conservative without positive harm, and by a vigorous 
regulation you may even gain much. That this regu- 
lation should be real, it appears to me urgent — 

I. That it should be adopted by all those States 
which are in a position to do so. 

II. That to strengthen it still more, such principles 
should be expressed in our labours here as may serve 
for the support of feeble or timorous Governments. 

I have spoken on the first of these subjects to 
Zentner,f and he agrees with me. 

As for the second, I shall find some means of 
bringing it forward, and I have spoken to no one 
about it. 

* Article XIII. of the Federal Act concerning the affairs of the States 
of the liimd.— Ed. 

f Minister and Bavarian Plenipotentiary at the Vienna Ministerial Con- 
fei-ences. — Ed. 


If you entertain my idea, try to give some instruc- 
tions to your plenipotentiaries with reference to it ; for 
I have no reason for not addressing myself directly to 
Zentner, if it were not that I desire to do nothing in 
bavariis unless you take the initiative. 

I extend this question to one of the gravest compli- 
cations presented by the form of the new Constitutions : 
namely, the publicity of the sittings and the shorthand 
writing of the protocols. I maintain that no monarchy 
of less than ten or twelve millions of people has the 
right to resist this form. In the smaller States men 
are too close to one another ; injuries are too deep, 
and nothing can compensate for their effects, for the 
objects of ambition are too mean. I declare that, 
as an ambitious man, I should prefer to play the 
part of a Liebenstein to that of a Berstett at Carls- 
rulie. . . . 

Metternich to Neumann^ Vienna^ February 2, 1820. 

470. I am able to tell you that all our business here 
is concluded. The most important work, the longest 
and the most directly connected with the whole of the 
federal system, has already passed once to the Plenum 
and it has been admitted, except for certain gramma- 
tical errors which will be corrected here in two days. 
I will send it to you by the next weekly courier. You 
will not be able to get a clear idea of all we have done 
here until you have read it. 

You will see from it all the work of this grand Con- 
federation. You will see tlie rights and the duties of 
the allies stated, and the sphere of action allotted 
to the Diet. I hope that even M. de Capo d'Istria will 
end by understanding them both. He will see that the 
Confederation is united, and that the Diet is not its 


sovereign ; that there are several differences between 
the German's monarchical confederation and the Swiss 
republican confederation ; that the Canton of Basle has 
no point of resemblance to Bavaria or Prussia, and even 
that the part of Director Landamman is not that of 
the Emperor of Austria. 

The States of Baden are about to reassemble. This 
fact will cause fresh discomposure to Count Capo d'lstria. 
He will think we are falling into imbecility. Reassemble 
the States, and make laws against Liberal assassins ! 
Make the laws of September 20, and talk no more of it 
at Vienna ? There is something in all that, sufficient 
to confound all systems. It is, in fact, that here 
we do not renew, but we build up : we do not return to 
what has been, but we make good laws aS'^iinst ex- 
cesses of every kind, and we leave to each State to 
watch over its own internal safety by guaranteeing a 
vigorous and general support whenever they may re- 
quire it. 

In a word, we make peace and tranquiUity in so far 
as laws can assure either. 



471. Metternich to the Emperor Francis. 

471. Vienna, March 31, 1820. — Nearly at the end 
of the negotiations which had been so happily matured 
here, an attempt is made by the Eoyal Court of Wurtem- 
bers to frustrate all that we have endeavoured to 
accomphsh during the last four months. 

That is, the Wurtemberg Court objects to consider 
these dehberations as finally concluded here in Vienna, 
but wishes them to be regarded as merely preparatory 
works to be concluded at the Diet. 

The former would bring peace to men's minds, the 
latter disquiet. All the German Governments have 
openly shown their wish for the welfare of the Bund. 
Your Majesty needed only to speak the word and the 
coalition took place, for it was in accordance with the 
minds of the German Princes and the enlijThtened 
designs of their plenipotentiaries. The King of Wur- 
temberg, however, seems to be otherwise inclined. The 
King, or — as I still venture to hope — his counsellors, 
desire to bring the wants of their country again before 
the Diet, although they are already secured by prehmi- 
nary dehberations, and are inseparable from the general 
welfare of all the German Governments. These reso- 
lutions of the Conference they wish to produce at the 


Diet, with so-called liberal explanations, objections, and 
phrases whereby an appearance of oppression would be 
produced as to the community, while the King of 
Wurtemberg would gain the reputation of patriotic 
feeling. The thing may, indeed, have to be done, but 
the King will gain the appearance of only yielding to 

Carlsbad has greatly enlightened us on this point. 
The plenipotentiary from Wurtemberg at that place 
concluded almost every one of his proposals with this 
addition : ' That, however, it must be drawn up by 
the other members of the Bund, and imposed on his 
Eoyal master.' In the same way this plenipotentiary 
spoke and wrote about military demonstrations, of the 
concentration of the Imperial troops in Tyrol, and of 
Prussian troops on the Lower Ehine. This was the 
conduct of the King at the deliberations in Frankfurt 
in the month of September last, and at his visit to 
Warsaw, as well as since his return to Stuttgart ; and 
now he behaves in the same way here, and it is beyond 
doubt that he acts systematically. . . . " 

The King of Wurtemberg has made an attempt in 
which he shall not succeed. Your Majesty's lirmness 
and the excellent spirit which animates all the other 
Governments and their deputies are sufficient to prevent 

When Count Mandelslohe made this communication 
to me I thought it my duty to take no step of myself 

On the day of battle every combatant must be 
sure of his next man, and the German Bund can only 
prosper under the protection and guardianship of a firm 
and united will. I made this declaration verbally to 
Count Mandelslohe, and immediately began to consult 


the other deputies. From the document annexed your 
Majesty will see the prosperous result of this first step. 

Furthermore I venture to lay before your Majesty 
the sketch of a letter to the King of Wurtemberg. 
When it has received your Majesty's signature I shall 
immediately despatch the courier to Stuttgart. 

Metternich to Winzingerode, Vienna, March 31, 1820. 

472. When handing to me your Excellency's 
letter of the 21st of this month, Count von Mandelslohe 
at the same time made the confidential communication 
which he was charged to present with the protocol of 
the Conferences at this place. 

On this communication being made, my first wish 
was to discover whether the Eoyal Wurtemberg Court 
declared against the substance as well as the form, or 
only against the latter. This is a point of the greatest 
importance, and one which I was justified in doubting, 
although in the protocol delivered mention is only made 
of the form. 

It is not merely whether the results of the Con- 
ferences here are binding without further discussion at 
the Diet, or whether they must be placed before the 
Diet in the usual manner. The question is of far 
greater consequence. The Cabinets assembled here 
have worked out the chief subjects of their negotia- 
tions so successfully, they have so happily settled what 
is most important for the whole of Germany — the 
question of the competence of the Bund — that the 
work already accomplished is likely to fulfil our best 
hopes. Shall this hitherto prosperous work, now so 
far advanced, be fully accomplished, or shall it be put 
aside as an unsuccessful, useless attempt ? This is the 
chief question to-day — a question which I believe (and 


my opinion is shared by all the plenipotentiaries here 
present) touches more deeply the future fate of the 
German confederacy than any difference of opinion 
about this or that form to be observed with recard to 
the assembly of the Bund. 

As Count von Mandelslohe could not give me much 
real information on tliis subject, I had further to 
inquire whether he was strictly ordered to make this 
declaration at the first full sitting after our conference, 
or whether he was authorised to delay this step till an 
answer is obtained to the present despatch. The Count 
declared himself bound to execute his commission with- 
out delay. 

Under these circumstances I could only inform 
Count von Mandelslohe that I did not feel called upon 
to enter into the discussion and explanation of the form 
which had been unanimously Hked and agreed upon at 
the eighteenth session, and that I could take no further 
step in this matter without a previous conference with 
all the other plenipotentiaries. I added the necessary 
reservation that the protesting Court must be respon- 
sible for any evil consequences resulting from the 
retardation of negotiations equally important for the 
whole of Germany. 

This conference I immediately arranged and the 
result is : — 

1. That no interruption must be allowed to take 
place in the course of the negotiations here. 

2. A unanimous determination to hold fast the 
work which, after four months' appHcation, is so nearly 
completed, and a general resolution of March 4, in 
pursuance of which they mutually engage that none of 
the plenipotentiaries of this conference will condescend 
to any repetition of the deliberations at the Diet. 



Feeling the necessity, for the sake of the German 
Fatherland and all Europe, of preventing the sad 
spectacle of a fruitless or inconclusive four months' 
conference between the German Cabinets, I have taken 
upon myself to communicate to your Excellency in the 
enclosure the unanimous opinion of the plenipo- 
tentiaries as to the form to be observed on closing the 
conferences. . . . 

In fulfilhng this duty I am particularly charged by 
his Majesty the Emperor to declare solemnly that, in 
his opinion, there are but two alternatives in the 
manner of bringing the business here to a conclu- 
sion : — 

Either to issue the resolutions taken in Vienna (as 
results definitely accepted) in the form of an Act ratified 
by the Governments belonging to the Bund, leaving it 
to the Assembly of the Bund to deposit these Acts in 
the archives of the Bund, and publish them in the usual 
constitutional manner ; 

Or to make known these resolutions to the Diet in 
the form of a Presidential Eeport, all the Governments 
pledging themselves to direct their deputies at the Diet 
to give an absolute consent. 

All tlie votes have been given in favour of the 
former of these modes. It was all the more necessary 
to reject the latter as his Majesty the Emperor (for 
reasons shown in the enclosure) feels obliged totally to 
decline any co-operation in this form. 

His Majesty the Emperor does not acknowledge a 
third mode. He is firmly determined to ground no 
Presidential Eeport on a merely preliminary and pro- 
visional agreement on the matters negotiated here, and 
not to allow what is already — by the most careful dis- 
cussion and dehberation of all German Courts and 


Cabinets — on the point of accomplishment, to be again 
called in question. 

Your Excellency will see from this paper and its 
enclosure, not only the opinion of all the German 
Cabinets, but also that it thoroughly coincides with 
that of his Majesty the Emperor. 

The desire which animates the Emperor, no less than 
aU the members of the Bund, to secure the welfare and 
maintenance of the German Bund in the most prompt 
and judicious way to which their general competence 
extends — the real existence of which desire is proved 
by the course hitherto taken by the negotiations here 
and by the present step — justifies the expectation that 
the Kino^ of Wurtemberj? will not refuse his consent 
and co-operation in a work hitherto carried on un- 
interruptedly in the glorious harmony so beneficial for 

Metternich to Wintzingerode, Vienna, March 31, 1820. 

473. You will receive to-day communications of the 
greatest importance. The moment is come. Count, when 
all that is hard of understanding must be understood, 
and all that is not clear must be made so. It is impos- 
sible that all the Courts of Germany should have met 
together for five months in the same harmonious spirit, 
with the same feeling of the necessity for consolidating 
their federal relations, that our conferences should draw 
near to their close, and that all that has been said and 
done should only benefit the enemies of general order. 
And yet this would certainly be the case if what has 
led to an harmonious agreement should be relinquished 
at the very moment of this agreement. 

I venture to flatter myself that the details into which 
I entered in my official letter will remove the feeling 

E E 2 


which could only have arisen from some great mis- 
take. You believe that Austria and perhaps Aus- 
tria and Prussia wish to exercise a pressure on their 
allies. The fact is not so ; the Emperor knows the 
dangers of the moment and the necessities of all 
times. . . . 

I fi'ankly confess that I do not comprehend the 
declaration which M. de Mandelslohe has been ordered 
to insert in the protocol. The case is plain, although 1 
do not allow myself to attach to it the only definite 
interpretation of which it seems to admit. If it has not 
this meaning, the letters I send you ought to remove 
all difficulties : if this is not the case, the cause will not 
be far to seek. You wish to prevent what has for five 
years been impracticable at Frankfurt, but is now about 
to be concluded under the immediate influence of the 
Cabinets, from coming to anything. 

You are very badly served here. Mandelslohe 
acts the man of honour ; Trott does his part — and the 
part of men behind the scenes never is to arrange 
affairs. To place two such individuals as you have is 
the most certain means, not to correct mistakes, but to 
embroil everything, and render all efforts abortive. 

You will see that I am too much occupied with the 
one affair to be inclined to return to my last letters. 
Your reply, far from proving that I may be deceived, 
proves on the contrary that I am right in everything. 
Yes, I know all that has passed since Carlsbad ; I 
know what you call a momentary support in public 
opinion, the only advantage that you have obtained. 
Against whom is this ephemeral support required ? 
Is it against the enemies of social order or against 
your allies ? . . . If at Stuttgart they think that Aus- 
tria's pohcy is small, very tortuous, and very dangerous 


to those who allow themselves to be deceived, at least 
the ]\iinister for Foreign Affairs for Wiirtemberir could 
never reproach the Emperor's minister with perplexing 
him with a very diplomatic controversy. 

There is only one passage to be remarked on in 
your last confidential letter. You say to me, ' Pray do 
not forget that we have a Constitution and responsible 

I do not, in fact, know of Constitution and responsible 
ministers anything which concerns the question with 
which we are occupied. The Constitutions are in the 
Confederation, and neither above nor below it. The 
responsibihty of ministers does not concern the Con- 
federation. You are responsible for the employment of 
your public money and the acts of your administration. 
If you admit that the Confederation can suffer in its 
vital principle from the responsibility, you must at least 
also grant to this same Confederation the right of 
naming the ministers. Ask your soi-disant friends of 
the people if they do not find my axiom correct : they 
will be ready to reply in the affirmative. But what 
will become of the sovereignty of your King if men 
like Jahn and Arndt are produced in Germany ? 

I wait patiently for the new orders your plenipo- 
tentiary will receive. . . ."' 

* The result is known. The King of Wurtemberg gave up his opposi- 
tion and empowered his ambassadors to sign the document. See No. 47o. — • 



Metternich to Berstett, the Ambassador from Baden at the 
Austrian Court, Vienna, May 4, 1820. 

474. Your Excellency has informed me of the 
wish of his Eoyal Highness the Archduke of Baden to 
be exactly informed of the ideas of the Imperial Cabinet 
on the political state of Germany. This challenge on 
the part of a Prince who shows daily the most praise- 
worthy marks of his strong desire to support the right, 
and his thorough knowledge of the elements that oppose 
it, is the more honourable for me, as it imposes on me 
the duty of apprising your Excellency unreservedly of 
the point of view from which the present state of things 
has to be considered. 

Time moves on amid storms : the attempt to check 
their violence would be vain. Firmness, moderation, 
and a union of well-directed forces — this is all that 
remains to the defenders and friends of order ; in this 
alone lies at present the duty of all sovereigns and 
right-minded statesmen, and he only will have deserved 
this title in the day of peril who, having satisfied him- 
self of what is possible and just, suffers not himself to 
be turned aside from the noble aim of his eflbrts either 
by impotent wishes or by relaxing his zeal. The object 
is easy of definition : in our times it is neither more nor 
less than the maintenance of what already exists. This 
is the only means of preservation ; and it is perhaps the 
most likely method of regaining what has been already 


lost. For this end, therefore, the efforts of everyone 
must be combined as well as the measures of all those 
whom one and the same principle, one and the same 
interest, unite. Combustible matters long in prepara- 
tion broke forth in the epoch between 1817 and 1820. 
The false step which was taken by the French Ministry 
during this period ; the toleration which was evinced 
in Germany to these dangerous doctrines ; the weakness 
shown in suppressing the abuses of the press ; the pre- 
cipitation, finally, with which Constitutions were given 
to the States of Southern Germany — all these causes 
have excited the parties whom nothing can please to 
the most miserable abuses. 

Nothing shows the impossibihty of pleasing these 
parties more than to remark that the most active in- 
trigues have taken place exactly in that very State 
where the most indulgence Avas shown to their supposed 

The evil had reached such a height before the Con- 
gress at Carlsbad that only some trifling poHtical com- 
bination was needed completely to overthrow social 
order. The wisdom of the system adopted by the great 
Courts has protected us from this danger, which might 
even at this moment be fatal. What course, then, must 
an enlightened Government take under such circum- 
stances ? By putting this question the possibility of 
salvation is taken for granted, and we beheve we are 
justified in such a hope. 

When we now examine the means by which we are 
to attain so great an end, we find ourselves led back to 
the point from whence we started. In aiming at a 
happier future, we must at least make certain of the 
present ; the preservation of that which is must con- 
sequently be the first of all cares. And by this we 


mean, not only the old order of things as they have 
been preserved m some countries, but also all the new 
legally-constructed institutions. The importance of 
preserving them firm and steady is evident from the 
attacks which have been directed against them, with a 
perhaps still greater irritation than against the old in- 
stitutions. At the present time the change from old to 
new is attended with as much danger as the return 
from the new to what no longer exists. Both may 
equally bring about the outbreak of disturbances which 
it is important to avoid at any price. 

To deviate in no way from the established order, 
whatever may be its origin, and where alterations are 
absolutely necessary to make them only with entire 
freedom and well-considered resolution — this is the first 
duty of a Government that desires to resist the evils of 
the age. Such a resolution, however just and natural 
it may be, will certainly cause obstinate conflicts ; but 
the advantag;e of buildincr on a known and recognised 
basis is evident, because this gives a firm point from 
which it will be easy to examine and frustrate the 
necessarily uncertain movements of the enemy in all 

We consider as perfectly unfounded the objection 
which might possibly be raised, ' that amongst the Con- 
stitutions hitherto given in Germany there is none which 
rests on any foundation : that, therefore, none of them 
offers a point of support.' If this were so, the inde- 
fatigable demagogues would not have given up under- 
mining those Constitutions. Every order of things 
legally introduced bears in itself the principle of a better 
system ; they must therefore be the work of caprice 
or of a wild delusion, hke the Constitution of the Cortes 
of 181 2. Moreover, a Charter is not a real Constitu- 


tion ; this forms itself with time alone, and it always 
depends on the judgment and will of Governments to 
direct the development of the constitutional manner of 
government, to separate good from evil, to strengthen 
the pubhc authority, and to protect the peace and hap- 
piness of the nation from every hostile attack. Two 
great means of salvation are at present secure to every 
Government which, from a feeling of its dignity and 
duty, is resolved not to ruin itself. One of these means 
consists of the happy conviction that no misunder- 
standing prevails among the European Powers, and 
that also, according to the unalterable principles of 
monarchy, none is to be anticipated. This fact, which 
is beyond any doubt, secures and guarantees our posi- 
tion and our strength. The other means is the union 
formed between the German States during the last 
nine months, a union which, with God's help, will 
become indissoluble. 

The conferences of Carlsbad and the resolutions 
prepared there have acted more powerfully and more 
beneficially than we may perhaps acknowledge to our- 
selves at a moment when we still feel the embarrass- 
ments which constrain us, and when we can only 
superficially estimate all tlie advantages which have 
been gained. Important measures of that kind can 
only be estimated at their full value when all theii* 
results are to be seen. These, however, cannot be seen 
in the epoch immediately following ; but we may 
already calculate the efl'ects of the resolutions of Sep- 
tember 2 by considering the probable advances which 
the enemies of the public order would have made 
without them. 

The results of the conferences in Vienna, although 
of the grandest kind, are not so brilliant in their im- 


mediate effects, but are all the deeper and more lasting. 
The consohdation of the German Bund now affords to 
each of the States of which it consists an effectual 
guarantee— an inestimable advantage, which could only 
be certainly secured by the course which has been 
taken. The uprightness and moderation with which 
this important work was carried on may have delayed 
us and prevented bolder and more vigorous measures ; 
but, even supposing these had been possible, the work 
would have been wanting in one of its most essential 
conditions — namely, the free conviction and sincere 
confidence of all who take part in it. Nothing could 
compensate for such a want, which would have been 
especially felt when the resolutions adopted under such 
auspices had to be carried out. Generally speaking, 
moral strength is as great a necessity to the Bund as 
legislative power, and the increased conviction of the 
necessity for this league and of its beneficial results is 
in our opinion the most important and fortunate result. 
The rules to be observed in future by the German 
Governments may be pointed out in a few words. They 
are : — 

1. Confidence in the duration of a state of peace in 
Europe, and in the harmony of the principles guiding 
the great Powers. 

2. Conscientious attention to their own system of 

3. Perseverance in maintaining the legal principles 
of existing Constitutions and a firm determination to 
defend them against every attack ; but also at the same 
time — 

4. The removal of the principal defects in these 
Constitutions, carried out by the Government on adequate 
grounds. Lastly, 


5. In case of our own resources being insufficient, 
the Bund may be appealed to for support, a support 
which every member has the most sacred right of de- 
manding, and which can less than ever be refused after 
the present determinations. This is, according to our 
judgment, the only beneficial, legal, and enduring 
course. The pohtical system of his Majesty the Em- 
peror rests on the same foundations, and Austria, in- 
wardly calm in the possession of an imposing assemblage 
of intellectual force and material means, will not use 
them merely for her own support, but will always 
apply them for the benefit of her alhes whenever duty 
and prudence require it of her. 

I wish that your Excellency may take the oppor- 
tunity of this candid representation to offer to the 
Archduke a new proof of our true feelings, and of the 
lively interest which the Imperial Eoyal Court takes in 
gratifying his Eoyal Highness, as well as in the welfare 
and security of his States. 




Metternich to the Emperor Francis, Vienna, May 17, 1820. 

475. The consent of the Court of Wurtemberg 
to our ClosiniT Act has arrived this evening. In a full 
sitting, which I have fixed for to-morrow morning, the 
protocol about this first part of our business here will 
be concluded, and the day after to-morrow I shall bring 
the Acts to be signed. 

The second part — the instructions for the assembly 
of the Bund — has meantime so far advanced that we 
shall be able to dissolve our conference on the 21st or 
22nd of this month. 

The work having reached its termination here, all 
has been done that could be done at present, and I 
already see the consequences which the propriety of 
our course will make more and more manifest every 
day. All the ministers are making preparations for 
their departure, and there is not one who did not ask 
from me to-day instructions as to the course to be 
taken in future by his Court in regard both to policy 
and administration. One word spoken by Austria will 
be inviolable law throughout all Germany. Now first 
will the Carlsbad measures come into their true life, 
and all those which are requisite for the peace of Ger- 
many will be quite naturally added.* 

* The document generally known under the name of ' The Concluding 
Acts of Vienna,' in sixty-five articles, treats of the measures for the security 


I intend, if nothing happens to prevent me, to start 
from here on the 24th, and to be with your Majesty at 
Prague on the 26th. Metternich. 

I am glad to know this, and I expect you with real 
pleasure. Francis. 

Prague, May 17, 1820. 

Sketch of a Statement to he made hy the President. 

476. At the session of the Diet on September 20 
last year, it was resolved, on the report of the Presi- 
dent, to ask for instructions as to various points most 
important for the improvement of the Bund, so that 
these points could be discussed immediately after the 
reopening of the session, and brought at once to a 
definite conclusion. 

Meanwhile his Majesty the Emperor, my most 
gracious master, guided by the conviction that it is 
not only the common interest but also the common 
wish of all your allies in the Bund to develop, improve, 
and strengthen the indissoluble union by strictly main- 
tainino; the original convention with all its aims, has 
caused Ministerial Conferences to be held in Vienna to 
which all the Governments of the Bund have sent their 
plenipotentiaries. These conferences should, according 
to their original purpose, lead to direct communication 
and discussion of opinions on both sides, and a common 
understanding on the subjects on which instructions 
are to be given. 

of the public rights of the members of the Bund by a permanent court, as 
well as the introduction of a definite order concerning the execution of the 
sentences pronounced by this tribunal ; it refers to various military questions ; 
it gives the authentic interpretation of Article XIII. of the Acts of the 
Bund, and regulates the relations of the single States to the Bund. By a 
resolution of the Diet of June 8 the ' Concluding Acts ' were raised to a 
fmidamental law of the Bund and published as such. — Ed. 


At the negotiations opened for that purpose it was 
soon evident, however, that by a thorough treatment of 
the proposed subjects many others connected with them 
would be drawn into the discussion — subjects which had 
been already discussed at the Diet, but which had 
remained undecided or been regulated provisionally. 
At the same time it was acknowledged on all sides that 
the first condition of successful progress in the legisla- 
tion of the Bund Avas an exact definition of the nature 
of the Bund and the circumstances, duties, and rights 
resulting from it. 

The business resting on these principles presented, 
during its whole course, a remarkable example of har- 
mony, public spirit, and mutual confidence, the surest 
pledge of the future strength of the German Bund. 
Gradually the resolution was formed to bring together 
the chief results of the conferences into one whole, 
which, being immediately derived from the Acts of 
Confederation, should have the same force and legality 
as that fundamental law — thus satisfying the general 
desire for the completion and development of that law, 
and facilitating the conduct of affairs at the Diet. 

But this work required a peculiar form, because it 
differed essentially in origin, contents, and aim from 
common instructions on a particular subject, or only 
introducing further deliberations. It was, therefore, 
resolved to include the above-mentioned chief results 
of the negotiations held in Vienna in an Act drawn up 
by the assembled plenipotentiaries in the name of their 
Governments, to have this Act presented to the Diet in 
the usual constitutional way, and to let it be there de- 
clared law in a formal resolution. 

Accordingly, I am directed by my Court to lay 
before this honourable assembly the ' Concluding Acts ' 


of the IVIinisterial Conferences on tlie development and 
strengthening of the Bund, requesting at the same time 
that a resolution be drawn up, as agreed upon, and 
signed by all the ambassadors in the name of their 
respective Governments. 

The Austrian Vote. 

The Imperial Eoyal Embassy is instructed to declare 
by protocol the consent and approbation of their Court 
to the elevation of this Act to be a law of the Bund, 
according to the agreement made, and to deposit the 
original in the archives of the Bund, adding a copy of 
it to the protocol. 

Sketch of the Resolution. 

1. The Concluding Acts of the IMinisterial Conferences 
at Vienna, drawn up by the plenipotentiaries of all the 
States of the Bund for the development and strengthen- 
ing of the Bund, is to be raised to be a fundamental 
law, equal in power and legal force to the Acts of the 

2. The original document in question, duly signed 
and attested, is to be deposited in the archives of the 
Bund ; and 

3. A copy of it is to be added to the present 


Metternich to the Emperor Francis, Vienna, May 18, 1820. 

477. Nothing of an unexpected nature has hap- 
pened in the political world since your Majesty's de- 

In France there is a great conflict of parties. The 
Ministry stands firm ; the election law will pass. 

In Eniiland the relation between the Kincr arid the 
Ministry is very gloomy. The cause of this is the 
Queen, who is in Paris, and who either goes to England 
herself or works as a partisan for the Opposition. The 
proceedings against the Radicals have come to a fa- 
vourable termination. 

Anarchy is seen in Spain day by day more dis- 
tinctly. The revolution of March 8 will soon bear its 
bitter fruits. 

A courier has arrived here to-day from Eussia. The 
Emperor thinks a great deal of the Spanish cause mo- 
rally, but he will not insist upon taking an active part. 

I merely signify to your Majesty the present state of 
things most respectfully, but in the shortest possible 

The collection of Reports I will myself lay before 
your Majesty, as I need them for the despatches which 
I must still send out before my departure. 

The King of Prussia does not accept your Majesty's 
invitation, for it just happens to fall at the time of his 
daughter's marriage with the Archduke of Mecklenburg. 
The show of politeness has therefore been made, and your 
Majesty is set free as to your Majesty's travelHng plans. 



Metternich to Count Eechberg, Foreign Minister at Munich, 

Vienna, July 26, 1820. 

478. The late events in the kingdom of Naples 
have shown more evidently and significantly than any 
former occurrence of this kind that, even in a well- 
regulated and well-governed State, among a quiet, 
peaceable nation, contented and satisfied with their 
Government, the pernicious influence of revolutionary 
sects can cause the most violent agitation, and quickly 
lead to an entire revolution. For it has been certainly 
proved that the movements of the Carbonari alone, 
without any foreign impulse, without even a show of 
pretext, have excited those rebellious movements which 
have induced his Majesty the King of Naples, in a 
moment of embarrassment, to lay down the govern- 
ment, dissolve all existing authority, and proclaim a 
Constitution strange to his country, which even where 
it is found is still new and untried — in other words, he 
has proclaimed anarchy as law. 

His Majesty the Emperor is convinced that this un- 
expected event will have made the greatest impression 
on all German Courts. It teaches, by a remarkable 
example, the danger of looking with scornful indif- 
ference on the action of secret unions and stealthy con- 
spiracies, and shows the wisdom of the German Princes 


in opposing with vigilance and severity the first symp- 
toms of such criminal attempts. 

His Majesty the Emperor is particularly interested 
in these unfortunate incidents by his poUtical and per- 
sonal ties, by his relationship with several Itahan 
princes, and by the geographical situation of his own 
countries. The political order of things established in 
1815, and guaranteed by all the European Powers, has 
made Austria the natural warder and protector of public 
p)eace in Italy. The Emperor is firmly determined to 
fulfil this high vocation, to keep away all peace-dis- 
turbing movements from his frontiers and those of his 
nearest neighbours, to allow no infringement of the 
rights of the Italian Princes, and if legal and adminis- 
trative precautions should not afford sufficient jDrotec- 
tion, he will resort to the most vigorous measures. 

Fortunately, the present position of the European 
Powers, and the peaceful spirit which animates them 
all, are pledges that such measures would not provoke 
political hostiUties or wars. In case force (which his 
Majesty's well-known love of justice and clemency will 
only employ in the greatest necessity) should be un- 
avoidable, it would only be used against rebels in arms, 
and never against a legitimate power. 

But even in this case (only alluded to with the 
greatest reluctance) the Emperor would not claim im- 
mediate assistance on the part of his allies in the Ger- 
man Bund. The measures requisite for the maintenance 
of peace and order in Italy lie entirely beyond the sphere 
of co-operation of the German Bund as it was originally 
settled ; and, far from intending to deviate from estab- 
lished principles, his Majesty is ready to make every 
effort and every sacrifice to prevent such co-operation 
being required, and to put forth all his strength to avert 


such danger from the frontiers of the States of the Ger- 
man Bund. 

In return, it is certainly desirable and important 
that Austria, while devoting her care and strength to a 
matter of public benefit, should be able confidently to 
rely upon undisturbed peace in the interior of Germany. 
However much now, or in future, the fate of Italy may 
occupy the Emperor's attention, his Majesty will always 
feel the same lively interest in German affairs, and fulfill 
to the utmost his duties as a member of the Bund. But 
it is the greatest satisfaction and consolation to know 
that there need be no fear for our Fatherland as long as 
the German Courts are guided by the strong feeling of 
the duty imposed on them by the present critical state 
of the political world, and by 'that spirit of harmony, 
firmness and wisdom which revealed itself so unmis- 
takably during the last negotiations at Vienna (and 
even since the conclusion of the negotiations) on the part 
of the chief German Governments. A great honour is 
reserved for Germany, if she finds in the prudence and 
resolution of her rulers, in the steadfast support of her 
existing Constitutions, in the loyal feelings of her people, 
and in the powerful guarantee of the alliance of the 
Bund, the means and power she needs in this stormy 
time to preserve and maintain her inward peace, her 
lawful order, her independence, her dignity, and her 
ancient character. His Majesty is convinced that none 
of your noble allies in the Bund wiU be insensible to 
glory of this kind ; and you will one day congratulate 
yourself when called upon to accept your share in it, 
conscious of having spared no effort, no sacrifice, for so 
great and glorious an aim. 

At a time when the latest events in Italy appeal 
only too strongly to the attention of the German Courts, 

P F 2 


liis Imperial Majesty considers it fitting to express to 
his allies in the Bund his own opinions, as well as his 
firm confidence in his Majesty the King. 
With the greatest respect, &c. &c.* 

Gentz to Mettemich, Salzburg, August 1, 1820. 

479 On Sunday at eleven o'clock I be- 
took myself to Nymphenburg. The King received me 
with his usual kindness and afiabihty. He had just 
received the declaration from Count Eechberg (No. 
478), and promised to read it with the most serious 
attention. This gave me the opportunity of speaking 
of its contents, to which he listened with an uncon- 
cealed ' Bravo ! ' He expressed himself thus : — ' That 
the firmness of his Majesty the Emperor, his calm 
steadfastness in good and evil days, is well known to 
him, and that he (the King) can easily imagine what the 
Emperor must think of such scandals as the revolution 
in Naples ; that all of us must thank God that we have 
still in Germany a man like the Emperor to take the 
lead.' He said that he (the King) was as far from 
being a friend of Constitutions as the Emperor, and that 
if the . . . Congress of Vienna in 1815 had not spoiled 
his whole game, he certainly would never have com- 
mitted himself so far. That, however, he has come off 
with little injury, and that he will not be led on one 

step further by the d . During this tirade some 

angry, but only passing, blows were struck at former 
times and occurrences between the Imperial and 
Bavarian Courts, and the whole ended with a very 
goodnatured and honourable declaration about the 
great fame your Highness has lately acquired in Ger . 

* SLmilar declarations were also sent to the other German Courts. — Ed. 


The King then read me his latest letters from 
Naples, which came down to the 15th. His only 
anxiety seemed to be lest we might not send troops 
enough to Italy. He said he had heard of twenty 
thousand men, which did not please him. I said that, 
of course, I did not yet know anything definite on this 
point, and that his Majesty was well aware that large 
armies could not be put in motion in a few days or 
weeks. From the point of view taken in Vienna, 
however, I felt confident that Austria would not be 
wanting in anything requisite for her own safety and 
the protection of her nearest neighbours. 

The King seemed to fear nothing from Sardinia. 
He gave me to understand he had good reason to 
believe that the King of Sardinia 'would not bite,' 
especially if the Carbonari exercised much influence on 
Genoa. He must resolutely join for hfe and death with 
Austria, for no revolution could be tolerated. I per- 
fectly agreed with this very just remark. 

According to an idle rumour, which has circulated 
in Munich for more than a fortnight, and which tlie 
King also mentioned, the Neapohtan Court was said to 
have begged auxihary troops from Austria before the 
outbreak of the insurrection, which could not be 
granted, because the Russian ambassador in Eome had 
declared he must protest against every Austrian march 
of troops. I assured the King, and all those who asked 
me about this affair, that the whole story was false from 
beginning to end, and probably spread abroad by the 
Carbonari from very intelligible motives. 

The King — who does not seem to love the Emperor 
Alexander very much — -expressed his anxiety lest he 
might, in our sense perhaps, ' immediately put his 
hand to the work' in Italy, which would always be 


hazardous. I answered tliat, of late years, the Emperor 
Alexander has shown only the best and noblest senti- 
ments, and that, however important, under present 
circumstances, his moral and political agreement with 
our Court might be, any obtrusion of substantial help 
by him was not to be thought of and not needed by 

Amongst others the King put this strange question — 
whether I did not beheve the Crown Prince of Naples 
had a direct share in the conspiracy. I assured him 
I had never heard the least hint of his ; whereat the 
King rephed very significantly, ' I beheve it is quite 
certain, and for this very reason, that my son — who, 
as you know, also loves Liberal principles — has told me 
a great deal too much good of him.' 

The King beheves that Eeggio — a great place of 
meeting for the Carbonari in Upper Italy — and Modena 
generally are seriously threatened. 

The conversation then returned to Germany. The 
King did not speak favourably of the King of Wurtem- 
berg, and still less so of his minister ; neither did he 
seem to have a good opinion of the Grand Duke of Baden. 

At last I turned the conversation to Baron Zentner, 
and his honourable conduct in Vienna. What I said 
seemed to please the King exceedingly ; and when I 
further told him that your Highness had particularly 
charged me to express to Count Eechberg your deep 
satisfaction with the whole course so far of the assembly 
of the Bund, and added that ' I knew from your Highness 
that the Emperor had several times spoken in the same 
sense,' it could not escape me with what hvely interest 
the King hstened to all I said. 

My audience lasted about an hour and a half. His 
Majesty dismissed me with the words, ' That I might 


greet your Highness in the most friendly manner from 

Afterwards I was invited to dinner at Count Rech- 
berg's, where Baron Zentner, Count Thurheim, Count 
Arco, Baron Hruby, and otliers were present. 

After dinner I had my last and, if not most impor 
tant, yet most solemn conversation with Count Eechberg. 
He led Baron Zentner and myself into an anteroom, 
and here he made a sort of poHtical confession, from 
which I mention only the following remarkable words : — 
'1 begin by passing judgment on myself. For fif- 
teen years I have, prepossessed by old prejudices, op- 
posed Austria as an enemy. I accuse myself, but I 
excuse myself also. My opinion was the reflection of 
that which universally obtained in my fatherland, and 
although I might have corrected many a false opinion 
in Vienna, the noble principles of his Majesty the 
Emperor at that time appeared to me only through 
dim and often distorting glasses. It is one of the ever- 
enduring services of Prince Metternich to have first 
shown the true character of the Austrian policy, not 
only to Bavaria, but also to all Germany. To consider 
Austria now as anything but a beneficent and protect- 
ing power would be to fight against reason and our 
own interests : with Austria Bavaria must in future stand 
or fall. We — at least all who think honestly amongst 
us — heartily acknowledge this ; we wish we could 
express it with a hundred voices. How far other 
German Courts participate in these feelings I cannot 
decide, but they all acknowledge it, and even Wurtem- 
berg cannot but see that she would not long exist 
without Austria.' 

He had tears in his eyes when he spoke these 


He then begged me to report to your Highness 
' that he thought the declaration he received yesterday 
in the highest degree just, consolatory, and glorious for 
Austria — one which could not fail to produce a very 
great impression, K Austria had been uncertain, if 
she had hesitated at this important moment, he would, 
for his part, have given up Europe as lost. Now he 
could still see hope, and if all German Courts would do 
their duty, as Bavaria was determined to do, he thought 
he might assure your Highness that, in spite of the 
restless machinations of the enemy, peace would not be 
disturbed in Germany.' 

Baron Zentner joined in every word of these declar- 
ations. . , . 

I have very much regretted that I was not able to 
speak to Prince Wrede. He was not in Munich, and 
I could not meet him in Mondsee, because he left that 
place the very day that I left Municli, and took the 
Eesrensbercf road to his distant estates. 

I left Munich on the morning of Monday, the 31st, 
and arrived yesterday about noon in Salzburg, where I 
found very unfavourable accounts concerning my 
further journey to Gastein. 

Metternich to Gentz, Vienna, August 10, 1820. 

480. I received your Eeport from Salzburg, my 
dear Gentz. I immediately laid it before the Emperor, 
and he has done it the full justice it deserves. The 
picture of Munich is quite true, the elements that rule 
there are such as you describe ; and I am rejoiced that 
you see that I was under no delusion as to the people 
and the situation. ... 

Nothing decided can yet be said from Italy — there, 


as everywhere else, the immediate future is uncertain. 
The Governments desire what is right: will they be 
steadfast in the day of danger? Our position alone 
puts a curb on Italy at present. In Naples no one, 
not even the first leaders, know where they are going, 
where they can go, or even where they w^ant to go. 
There the revolution has really dropped from the 
clouds ; it lies like a spectre on the land. Those who 
summoned it have gained their end so quickly that 
they are quite astonished to be suddenly obhged to 
rule ; and turn the thing as you will, there remain 
always the same wants and the same means of Govern- 
ment. The State needs money ; it requires to be 
guarded ; justice must be administered. From whence 
is the money to come ? from whence the protection and 
the justice ? I believe, if the game were not too dan- 
gerous, the best means of quieting the babblers in the 
opposition would be to select here and there some, and 
lay upon them at once the affairs of government. This 
is the situation of the Neapolitan rulers, and the part 
they play is very different from that in Spain, for with 
them everything was good, and now mtist become 
absolutely bad. Nobody will pay, and nobody wi'll obey. 
The return of Prince Cariati must have caused a fright- 
ful sensation. 

Things look very dangerous in the Eoman district. 
But when common sense is so shaken and perplexed as 
it now is, one can no longer calculate on the future. 
I freely confess, therefore, that I know not what can or 
will be the end of the affair. However, we are here 
quiet, and with our great resources may go calmly for- 

In France the Neapolitan event has caused quite a 
sensation. At the first glance the communications 


from the Cabinet seem to be jjood. No one will be 
turned out of doors by Pepe and liis companions. 

In St. Petersburg the Neapolitan news has arrived 
after the King's departure ; in the course of a few 
days we shall know the impression it has made on him. 
Meantime, the peasants on the Don have taken up 
arms on hearing that the Emperor had declared the 
peasants from Esthonia and Courland free, asserting their 
desire to be free also. Many troops have marched there 
to drive out the Liberal devil with the knout. 

Prom Germany I have always quiet, unimportant 
news. On all sides we are entreated, for God's sake, to 
send a great many troops to Italy. By September 
85,000 men will be on the spot. 

I hope soon to see you again. I miss you very 
much, especially at the present moment. 



Metternich to the Emperor Francis, Troppau, Novemher 

6, 1820. 

481. In order to bring about the fullest under- 
standing, I wrote down the annexed paper (482) during 
the conversation that took place to-day between the 
three Cabinets. 

The Eussian Ministers agreed that it suitably ex- 
pressed the feeling of their master. I lay it before 
your Majesty for approval, to know whether I may 
dehver it as truly representing your Majesty's opinion. 

Principles of the Policy of Intervention. 
(Enclosed with No. 481.) 

482. The allies agree together : — 

1. That their aim and object, moral as well as 
physical, is not hmited to giving liberty of thought and 
action to legitimate power, but is also to enable that 
power to consolidate and strengthen itself in such a way 
as to guarantee peace and stability to the kingdom and 
to Europe. 

2. They recognise that to this end the power should, 

* At the Congress of Troppaii, assembled at Metternich's sugg-estion, 
there were the Emperor Francis of Austria, the Emperor Alexander and 
Grand-Duke Nicholas of Russia, King Frederick William III. of Prussia, 
with the Crown Prince, the diplomatists, Metternich, Zichy, Gentz, Mercy (for 
Austria), Nesselrode, Capo d'Istria, Golowkin, Alopaus (for Russia), Harden- 
berg, Bernstorff (for Prussia), Stewart (for England), De la Ferronays (for 
France"). — Ed. 


in its reconstruction, consult the true interests and 
needs of tlie country. 

3. That what the King in his wisdom considers 
satisfactory for the interests of the kingdom, and con- 
sequently satisfactory to the sound part of the nation, 
will be taken as the legal basis of the order to be estab- 
lished in the kingdom of Naples. 

Approved and accepted. 


Circular Despatch of the Courts of Austria, Russia, and 
Prussia, to their Anibassadors and Agents at the 
German and Northern Courts, Troppau, December 
8, 1820. 

484. The events of March 8 in Spain, and July 2 
in Naples, and the catastrophe in Portugal, must cause 
in all those who have to care for the peace of States a 
deep feeling of grief and anxiety, and, at the same time, 
a necessity for meeting, in order to consider in common 
how best to meet the evils which threaten to break out 
all over Europe. 

It was natural that these feelings should be very 
active in those particular Powers which had lately 
conquered revolution, and now saw it raising its head 
again ; and also natural that these Powers, in resisting 
the revolution for the third time, should resort to the 
same means which they had used so happily in the 
memorable combat which dehvered Europe from a 
twenty years' yoke. 

Everything justified the hope that this union, formed 
under the most dangerous circumstances, crowned with 
the most brilliant success, fostered by the negotiations 
of 1814, 1815, and 1818, as it had released the Euro- 


pean continent from the military despotism of the 
representative of revolution, and brought peace to the 
world, would be able to curb a new force not less 
tyrannical and not less to be despised — the poAver of 
rebellion and outrage. 

These were the motives, and the purpose, of the 
meeting in Troppau. The former are so evident that 
they do not require an explanation : the latter is so 
honourable and beneficial that doubtless the wishes of 
all honourable men will follow the alHed Courts in their 
noble career. 

The business which is imposed on them by the most 
sacred obligations is great and difficult ; but a happy 
presentiment bids them hope for the attainment of their 
aim by a firm maintenance of the spirit of those treaties 
to which Europe owes peace and unity among her States. 

The Powers exercise an indisputable right in con- 
templating common measures of safety against States 
in which the Government has been overthrown by rebel- 
lion, and which, if only as an example, must conse- 
quently be treated as hostile to all lawful constitutions 
and Governments. The exercise of this right becomes 
still more urgent when revolutionists endeavour to spread 
to neighbouring countries the misfortunes which they 
had brought upon themselves, scattering rebellion and 
confusion around. 

Such a position, such proceedings are an evident 
violation of contract, which guarantees to all the 
European Governments, besides the inviolabihty of 
their territories, the enjoyment of those peaceful 
relations which exclude the possibility of encroachment 
on either side. 

The allied Courts took incontestable fact as their 
starting-point, and those ministers who could be at 


Troppau itself supplied with definite instructions from 
their monarchs, therefore made an agreement as to the 
principles to be followed as to States whose form of 
government has been violently disturbed, and as to the 
peaceful or forcible measures to be adopted to lead such 
States back into the Bund. 

The results of their deliberations they communicated 
to the Courts of Paris and London, that those Courts 
might take them into consideration. 

Since the Neapohtan revolution takes daily fresh 
root ; since no other endangers so directly the peace of 
the neighbouring States ; since no other can be acted 
upon so immediately, the necessity of proceeding on the 
above-mentioned principles with regard to the king- 
dom of Both the Sicilies soon became evident. 

To bring about conciliatory measures to that end, 
the monarchs assembled at Troppau resolved to invite 
the King of Both Sicilies to meet them at Laybach, a 
step which would free the will of his Majesty from 
every outward constraint, and put the King in the 
position of a mediator between his deluded and erring 
subjects and the States whose peace was threatened by 
them. Since the monarchs were determined not to 
acknowledge Governments created by open rebelhon, 
they could enter into a negotiation with the person of the 
King only. Their ministers and agents in Naples have 
received the necessary instructions for that purpose. 

France and England have been asked to take part 
in this step, and it is to be expected that they will not 
refuse their consent, since the principle on which the 
invitation rests is in perfect harmony with the agree- 
ments formerly concluded by them, and is also a pledge 
of the most upright and peaceable feelings.* 

* England, according to a despatch dated January 17, 1821, declined to 


The system established between Austria, Prussia, and 
Eussia is no new one ; it rests on the same maxims 
which formed the foundation of the agreements by 
which the union of the European States in the Bund 
has been effected. The hearty concord existing between 
the Courts which form the centre of this confederation 
can only be strengthened by it. The Bund will be main- 
tained on the same footing as that on which it was placed 
by the Powers to whom it owes its existence, and as it 
has been gradually accepted by all, from the conviction 
entertained of its evident and undoubted advantages. 

No further proof, however, is required that the 
Powers have not been guided in their resolutions by the 
thought of conquest or the desire of interfering with 
the internal affairs of other Governments. They want 
nothing but to maintain peace, to free Europe from the 
scourge of revolution, and to avert, or shorten as much 
as possible, the mischief arising from the violation of 
all the principles of order and morahty. Under such 
conditions they think themselves justified in claiming 
the unanimous approbation of the world as a reward 
for their cares and their efforts. 

Metternich to Count Bechberg, Vienna^ December 31, 1820. 

485. I take advantage, my dear Count, of the first 
moment at my disposal, which is the last of my stay 
here, to give you some account of what has been done 
and what is going to be done. ... 

Here are the facts in all their simplicity. 

Any catastrophe such as that of Naples presents dif- 
ferent periods, whether regarded from a domestic or 

ioin in the measure in question. Not so France, whose King wi-ote to the 
King of Naples urging him to accept the invitation of the allied monarclis. — 


foreign point of view. The revolt breaks out ; it is 
indubitable and evident ; it is the beginning of a con- 
flagration ; if they are in good order, take your fire- 
engines there ; ask no questions ; do not hesitate ; 
extinguish the fire ; success will be certain. Do not 
take empty fire-engines, but let them be well filled. 

Then comes the second period. The revolt takes 
the appearance of Eeform. A feeble sovereign swears 
to put a knife to his throat. A chorus of Liberals and 
Eadicals join in his hymns ; the sovereign is jDraised to 
the skies ; and the people seem to adore him. Milk and 
honey are to flow in all the veins of the State abandoned 
to anarchy ; tyrants alone could hinder the develop- 
ment of so fine a work ! 

This is the history of the months of July to No- 

Our fire-engines were not full in July, otherwise we 
should have set to work immediately. 

In the second period, it did not seem to us that our 
neutral attitude was sufficient ; the Naples affair threat- 
ened Italy, Austria, Europe equally. It is tlierefore 
for the latter to declare itself in principle with us. We 
take upon ourselves the material part. To go to Naples 
is nothing at any time, but to remain at Naples and re- 
establish order in the kingdom of the Two Sicilies is 
certainly more difficult. 

Europe has frankly and well seconded us. We, who 
were free to hold whatever language we liked, have 
spoken : those of our allies who could do the same have 
done so. Those who are more bound by forms have 
acted according to our principles. The Neapolitan revolt 
and all its charms have been put in quarantine. You 
have done more than even the great English and French. 
You have sent back the agent of the Carbonari who 


came to boast to you of the happiness of his country ; 
you have done this, my dear Count, and it was worthy 
of you. 

Agreed in their principles at Troppau, the three 
Cabinets have carried them into effect. The idea of 
inviting the King to meet us at Laybach was accept- 
able. This invitation was made on very simple, but the 
only correct grounds. You know the autograph letters 
of the Sovereigns : they are all friendly, for no one is an 
enemy of the King. The ostensible instructions for our 
plenipotentiaries were more precise. They were ordered 
to declare — 

1st. That the Powers would never recognise any- 
thinsf which is the work of the rebellion. 

2nd. That before resorting to extreme measures, 
they desire to exhaust every means of conciliation, not 
between the rebellion and lawful j^ower, but between the real 
interests of the kingdom and those of Italy and Europe. 
That, knowing but one proper instrument for a work so 
great and salutary, his Majesty the King was invited to 
meet the three monarchs. 

3rd. That at Naples it is asserted that the King is 
free. That the King, being free, should feel it his duty 
to take upon himself this great work ; that if the King 
did not come he would be surrendered. 

4th. That as the King's person is not on this occa- 
sion to be replaced by any other, the invitation is per- 
sonal. That our ambassadors would in consequence 
refuse passports to any other individual, were it even a 
Prince of the Royal House ; that on the other hand, it 
would depend upon the King to be accompanied by 
whomsoever his Majesty should think fit. 

5th. That the King, if he were prevented from 
VOL. m. G G 


leaving the Kingdom, should be placed under the safe- 
guard and responsibility of every Neapolitan. 

The order has gone, and there is not a folly that our 
agents have not committed. Unhappily, there is not a 
single head among them. These stormy times, my dear 
Count, are weak in heads. 

What we had foreseen came to pass among the 
parties at Naples. The Eadicals and Doctrinaires, or, if 
you like it better, the Demagogues and the Liberals, 
who at Naples call themselves Carbonari and Muratistes^ 
are divided ; they had agreed together before, during, 
and after July, with the sole object of overthrowing the 
existing order of things, and we were certain that the 
Muratists (who must be ruined in any state of the case) 
would try to make the King go. But they went further : 
they wished to turn the circumstance to advantage to 
overthrow Carbonarism and assert themselves. This is 
the secret of the declaration of December 7 last. And 
to do this the better, they placed our ambassadors in 
a false light by making them be present at a Council 
where the Duke of Calabria produced that declaration, 
while the Neapolitan ministers were met together in 
another room close by. Zurlo, who had conceived the 
project, sent the declaration in haste into the provinces 
in the hope of exciting there a strong feeling in favour 
of Liberalism : but its lani?uag:e was like so much He- 
brew to tlie Neapolitans. The funds rose ; the Par- 
liament, which is merely the elite of the sect, attacked 
the Ministry, and once more the Doctrinaires must be 
convinced that in revolutions (which they will adore 
none the less) they are, and always will be, crushed by 
the extreme parties. 

The man who desires the whole is very strong in 
comparison with him who only desires the half. 


Our ambassadors not only took no part in this 
action, but tliey declared themselves incompetent. Why 
then sit at the round table? 

But ffood often comes out of evil. We should have 
had to fight the Muratistes at Lay bach. They died on 
the road, and of the two I prefer to take in hand Car- 
bonarism rather than Liberalism, and you will be of my 
opinion. The importance which the King and his 
Government, including the Prince Eoyal, attach to the 
oath of July 8, was proved on December 7. 

But, however, there is the King. From this moment 
everything is simplified, and the positions are made clear. 
The King's duty is to speak and enhghten his people. 
He has to pacify his kingdom and organise it so as to 
procure present and future peace. At the same time 
he must do nothing which will disturb the repose of his 
neighbours ; and it is for them to guard against that. 
We have also invited the Princes of Italy to send repre- 
sentatives to Laybach. Austria will furnish the means 
of pacification, and the Powers, including Austria, will 
guarantee the results, and these results we are to bring 

Here then, my dear Count, is a very short state- 
ment, and a very heavy budget. 

Naples has in the mean time exhausted her treasury. 
Pifteen millions of ducats have been wasted in four 
months ; there are no soldiers, no arms ; no place is 
provisioned ; but the Carbonari, who had not a sou^ 
begin to feel their pockets filling, while the proprietors 
feel theirs empty : undoubted benefits resulting from 
this beautiful enterprise which the Duke de Campo- 
chiaro, at the commencement of his ministry, assured 
me was quite falsely called a revolution, being nothing 
but a little family arrangement. 

G Q 2 


Now see liow thino-s stand. The first moments at 
Laybach will decide the development of affairs. Be 
quite easy, my dear Count ; we shall not swerve from 
our principles. 

You will be grateful to me for writing such a long 
letter at the very moment of my departure, though per- 
haps it shows signs of my haste ; but as I wish you to 
know how things are, the principles which guide us, 
and to give you a new proof of my confidence, 1 do not 
deserve any credit. 

To conclude, this letter is only for the King, your- 
self, and the Marshal. 

Adieu, my dear Count. The King of Naples will be 
at Laybach on the 5th, the Emperor of Austria on the 
Gth, and the Emperor of Eussia on the 7th of January. 
I shall be there on the 5th. 

Accept my good wishes for the new year, and, in 
it, may the same friendship and confidence unite us as 
in that which is passing away. 




486. Metternich to the Emperor Francis (Report), Troppau, December 2, 

486. May it please your Majesty to receive 
enclosed my ' Confession of Faith ' to the Emperor 

I beseech your Highness to read this short diplo- 
matic composition in the sense in which I have drawn 
it up, and which is known to your Majesty. 

The enclosed herewith returned. 


Troppau, December 2, 1820. 

Metternich to the Emperor Alexander^ Troppau^ 
December 15, 1820. 

487. Sire, I have the honour to send to your 
Imperial Majesty the enclosed statement. I received 
your Majesty's commands, and have fulfilled them with 
an ardour which gives full liberty to my thoughts. 
Your Imperial Majesty will find it complete on all the 
questions most worthy of the meditations of every 
pubhc man, of every man entrusted with grave interests 
— ^in short, of every man sufficiently enlightened to feel 
that to a world of folly he should oppose another full of 


wisdom, reason, justice, and reformation. I should 
have despised myself, Sire, long ago, if I did not say 
what I ♦think. What in a private individual might 
appear a merit is simply a duty to a man in my 

Wliat is contained in this statement would excite a 
disdainful smile from the superficial persons who, full 
of complacency at their own imperfect knowledge, are 
impudent criticisers of the first interests of Society — that 
crowd of bawlers with crude ideas, who are the victims 
of their own errors, and false prophets, whenever they 
allow themselves to predict anything but groundless 
errors. This same smile would appear on the lips of a 
better class of men — those men who think that the most 
useless of all enterprises is to say what is self-evident. 
My conviction, Sire, is that it is always the duty of men 
who wish to do good to speak, for at all times, and 
above all at times disturbed by passion, those men who 
wish to do evil, the vain and the foolish, will speak. It 
is therefore necessary not to abandon the moral atmo- 
sphere to them altogether. 

Deign, Sire, wliile receiving this paper, dictated by 
my conscience, to accept the homage of my profound 

Confession of Faith. 

Metternich's Secret Memorandum to the Emperor 


(Supplement to No. 487.) 

488. ' LEurope,' a celebrated writer has recently 
said, 'fait aujourd'hui pitie a Vhomme d' esprit et horreur 
a Vhomme vertueux.' 

It would be difficult to comprise in a few words a 

metternich's political faith. 455 

more exact picture of the situation at the time we are 
writing these hnes ! 

Kings have to calculate the chances of their very 
existence in the immediate future ; passions are let 
loose, and league together to overthrow everything 
which society respects as the basis of its existence ; 
religion, public morality, laws, customs, rights, and 
duties, all are attacked, confounded, overthrown, or 
called in question. The great mass of the people are 
tranquil spectators of these attacks and revolutions, and 
of the absolute want of all means of defence. A few 
are carried off by the torrent, but the wishes of the 
immense majority are to maintain a repose which exists 
no longer, and of which even the first elements seem to 
be lost. 

"What is the cause of all these evils ? By what 
methods has this evil estabhshed itself, and how is it 
that it penetrates into every vein of the social body ? 

Do remedies still exist to arrest the progress of this 
evil, and what are they ? 

These are doubtless questions worthy of the sohci- 
tude of every good man who is a true friend to order 
and public peace — two elements inseparable in prin- 
ciple, and which are at once the first needs and the 
first blessings of humanity. 

Has there never been offered to the world an insti- 
tution really worthy of the name ? Has truth been 
always confounded with error ever since society has 
believed itself able to distinguish one from the other ? 
Have the experiences bought at the price of so many 
sacrifices, and repeated at intervals, and in so many 
different places, been all in error ? Will a flood of light 
be shed upon society at one stroke ? Will knowledge 
come by inspiration ? If one could beheve in such 


phenomena it would not be the less necessary, first of all, 
to assure oneself of their reality. Of all things, nothing 
is so fatal as error ; and it is neither our wish nor our 
intention ever to give ourselves up to it. Let us 
examine the matter ! 

The Source of the Evil. 

Man's nature is immutable. The first needs of 
society are and remain the same, and the differences 
which they seem to offer find their explanation in the 
diversity of influences, acting on the different races 
by natural causes, such as the diversity of climate, 
barrenness or richness of soil, insular or continental 
position, &c. &c. These local differences no doubt 
produce effects which extend far beyond purely physical 
necessities ; they create and determine particular needs 
in a more elevated sphere ; finally, they determine the 
laws, and exercise an influence even on religions. 

It is, on the other hand, with institutions as with 
everything else. Vague in their origin, they pass 
through periods of development and perfection, to 
arrive in time at their decadence ; and, conforming to the 
laws of man's nature, they have, like him, their infancy, 
their youth, their age of strength and reason, and their 
age of decay. 

Two elements alone remain in all their strength, and 
never cease to exercise their indestructible influence 
with equal power. These are the precepts of morality, 
religious as well as social, and the necessities created by 
locality. From the time tliat men attempt to swerve 
from these bases, to become rebels against these 
sovereign arbiters of their destinies, society suffers from 
a malaise which sooner or later will lead to a state of 

metternich's political faith. 457 

convulsion. The history of every country, in relating 
the consequences of such errors, contains many pages 
stained with blood ; but we dare to say, without fear of 
contradiction, one seeks in vain for an epoch when an 
evil of this nature has extended its ravages over such a 
vast area as it has done at the present time. The 
causes are natural. 

History embraces but a very limited space of time. 
It did not begin to deserve the name of history until 
long after the fall of great empires. There, where it 
seems to conduct us to the cradle of civihsation, it 
really conducts us to ruins. We see republics arise 
and prosper, struggle, and then submit to the rule of 
one fortunate soldier. We see one of these repubhcs 
pass through all the phases common to society, and 
end in an almost universal monarchy — that is to say, 
subjugating the scattered portions of the then civilised 
world. We see this monarchy suffer the fate of all 
political bodies : we see its first springs become en- 
feebled, and finally decay. 

Centuries of darkness followed the irruption of the 
barbarians. The world, however, could not return to 
barbarism. The Christian religion had appeared ; im- 
perishable in its essence, its very existence was sufficient 
to disperse the darkness and estabhsh civilisation on 
new foundations, applicable to all times and all places, 
satisfying all needs, and establishing the most important 
of all on the basis of a pure and eternal law ! To the 
formation of new Christian States succeeded the Cru- 
sades, a curious mixture of good and evil. 

A decisive influence was shortly exercised on the 
progress of civilisation by three discoveries — the inven- 
tion of printing, that of gunpowder, and the discovery 
of the New World. Still later came the Eeformation — 

458 CONGRESS AT thoppau. 

another event wliich had incalculable effects, on account 
of its influence on the moral world. From that time 
the face of the world was changed. 

The facilitation of the communication of thoughts by 
printing ; the total change in the means of attack and 
defence brought about by the invention of gunpowder ; 
the difference suddenly produced in the value of pro- 
perty by the quantity of metals which the discovery of 
America put in circulation ; the spirit of adventure 
provoked by the chances of fortune opened in a new 
hemisphere ; the modifications in the relations of society 
caused by so many and such important changes, all 
became more developed, and were in some sort crowned 
by the revolution which the Eeformation worked in 
the moral world. 

The progress of the human mind has been extremely 
rapid in the course of the last three centuries. This 
progress having been accelerated more rapidly than the 
growth of wisdom (the only counterpoise to passions 
and to error) ; a revolution prepared by the false sys- 
tems, the fatal errors into which many of the most 
illustrious sovereigns of the last half of the eighteenth 
century fell, has at last broken out in a country ad- 
vanced in knowledge, and enervated by pleasure, in a 
country inhabited by a people whom one can only 
regard as frivolous, from the facihty with which they 
comprehend and the difficulty they experience in judg- 
ing calmly. 

Having now thrown a rapid glance over the first 
causes of the present state of society, it is necessary to 
point out in a more particular manner the evil which 
threatens to deprive it, at one blow, of the real bless- 
ings, the fruits of genuine civihsation, and to disturb 
it in the midst of its enjoyments. This evil may be 


described in one word — presumption ; the natural effect 
of the rapid progression of the human mind towards 
the perfecting of so many things. This it is which at 
the present day leads so many individuals astray, for 
it has become an almost universal sentiment. 

Religion, morality, legislation, economy, politics, 
administration, all have become common and accessible 
to everyone. Knowledge seems to come by inspira- 
tion ; experience has no value for the presumptuous 
man ; faith is nothing to him ; he substitutes for it a 
pretended individual conviction, and to arrive at this 
conviction dispenses with all inquiry and with all 
study ; for these means appear too trivial to a mind 
which beheves itself strong enough to embrace at one 
glance all questions and all facts. Laws have no value 
for him, because he has not contributed to make them, 
and it would be beneath a man of his parts to recognise 
the limits traced by rude and ignorant generations. 
Power resides in himself; why should he submit him- 
self to that which was only useful for the man deprived 
of light and knowledge ? That which, according to him, 
was required in an age of weakness cannot be suitable 
in an ao;e of reason and vij^our. amountinir to universal 
perfection, which the German innovators designate by 
the idea, absurd in itself, of the Emancipation of the 
Eeople ! Morality itself he does not attack openly, for 
without it he could not be sure for a single instant of 
his own existence ; but he interprets its essence after 
his own fashion, and allows every other person to do so 
hkewise, provided that other person neither kills nor 
robs him. 

In thus tracing the character of the presumptuous 
man, we believe we have traced that of the society of 
the day, composed of hke elements, if the denomination 


of society is applicable to an order of things which only 
tends in principle towards individualising all the ele- 
ments of which society is composed. Presumption 
makes every man the ^uide of his own belief, the 
arbiter of laws according to which he is pleased to 
govern himself, or to allow some one else to govern him 
and his neighbours ; it makes him, in short, the sole 
judge of his own faith, his own actions, and the prin- 
ciples according to which he guides them. 

Is it necessary to give a proof of this last fact ? We 
think we have furnished it in remarking that one of the 
sentiments most natural to man, that of nationality, is 
erased from the Liberal catechism, and that where the 
word is still employed, it is used by the heads of the 
party as a pretext to enchain Governments, or as a lever 
to bring about destruction. The real aim of the ideal- 
ists of the party is religious and political fusion, and 
this being analysed is nothing else but creating in 
favour of each individual an existence entirely inde- 
pendent of all authority, or of any other will than his 
own, an idea absurd and contrary to the nature of man, 
and incompatible with the needs of human society. 

The Course which the Evil has Followed and 
still Follows. 

The causes of the deplorable intensity with which 
this evil weighs on society appear to us to be of two 
kinds. The first are so connected with the nature of 
things that no human foresight could have prevented 
them. The second should be subdivided into two 
classes, however similar they may appear in their 

Of these causes, the first are negative, the others 

metternich's political faith. 461 

positive. We will place among the first the feebleness 
and the inertia of Governments. 

It is sufficient to cast a glance on the course which 
the Governments followed during the eighteenth cen- 
tury, to be convinced that not one among them was 
iiinorant of the evil or of the crisis towards which the 
social body was tending. There were, however, some 
men, unhappily endowed with great talents, who felt 
their own strength, and were not slow to appraise 
the progressive course of their influence, taking into 
account the weakness or the inertia of their adversaries ; 
and who had the art to prepare and conduct men's 
minds to the triumph of their detestable enterprise — 
an enterprise all the more odious as it was pursued with- 
out regard to results, simply abandoning themselves to 
the one feeling of hatred of God and of Ilis immutable 
moral laws, 

France had the misfortune to produce the greatest 
number of these men. It is in her midst that rehgion 
and all that she holds sacred, that morality and au- 
thority, and all connected with them, have been attacked 
with a steady and systematic animosity, and it is there 
that the weapon of ridicule has been used with the most 
ease and success. 

Dras: through the mud the name of God and the 
powers instituted by His divine decrees, and the revolu- 
tion will be prepared ! Speak of a social contract, and 
the revolution is accomplished ! The revolution was 
already completed in the palaces of Kings, in the 
drawinsr-rooms and boudoirs of certain cities, while 
among the great mass of the people it was still only in 
a state of preparation. 

It would be difficult not to pause here to consider 
the influence which the example of England had for a 


lons^ time exercised on France. Enj^land is herself 
placed in such a peculiar situation that we believe we 
may safely say that not one of the forms possible to 
that State, not one of its customs or institutions, would 
suit any Continental State, and that where we might 
wish to take them for models, we should only obtain 
inconvenience and danger, witliout securing a single one 
of the advantages which accompany them. 

According to the bent of minds in France, at the 
time of the convocation of the notables, and in 
consequence of the direction whicli public opinion had 
received for more than fifty years — a direction which, 
latterly, had been strengthened and in some sort adapted 
to France by the imprudent help which her Govern- 
ment had given to the American revolution — all reform 
in France touching the very foundations of the mo- 
narchy was soon transformed into a revolution. What 
might have been foreseen, and what had been foretold 
by everybody, the Government alone excepted, was 
realised but too soon. The French Eevolution broke 
out, and has gone through a complete revolutionary 
cycle in a very short period, which could only have 
appeared long to its victims and to its contempo- 

The scenes of horror which accompanied the first 
phases of the French Revolution prevented the rapid 
propagation of its subversive principles beyond tlie 
fi^ontiers of France, and the wars of conquest which 
succeeded them gave to the public mind a direction 
little favourable to revolutionary principles. Thus the 
Jacobin propaganda failed entirely to realise criminal 

Nevertheless the revolutionary seed had penetrated 
into every country and spread more or less. It was 

metternich's political faith. 463 

greatly developed under the regime of the military- 
despotism of Bonaparte. His conquests displaced a 
number of laws, institutions, and customs ; broke 
through bonds sacred among all nations, strong enough 
to resist time itself ; which is more than can be said of 
certain benefits conferred by these innovators. From 
these perturbations it followed that the revolutionary 
spirit could in Germany, Italy, and later on in Spain, 
easily hide itself under the veil of patriotism. 

Prussia committed a grave fault in calling to her 
aid such dangerous weapons as secret associations 
always will be : a fault which could not be justified 
even by the deplorable situation in which that Power 
then found itself. This it was that first gave a strong 
impulse to the revolutionary spirit in her States, and 
this spirit made rapid progress, supported as it was in 
the rest of Germany by the system of foreign despotism 
which since 1806 has been there developed. Many 
Princes of the Rhenish Confederation were secretly 
auxiliaries and accomplices of this system, to which 
they sacrificed the institutions which in their country 
from time immemorial had served as a protection against 
despotism and democracy. 

The war of the Allies, by putting bounds to the pre- 
dominance of France, was vigorously supported in Ger- 
many by the same men whose hatred of France was in 
reality nothing but hatred of the military despotism of 
Bonaparte, and also of the legitimate power of their 
own masters. With wisdom in the Governments and 
firmness in principles, the end of the war in 1814 
might nevertheless have insured to the world the most 
peaceful and happy future. Great experiences had 
been gained and great lessons, which might have been 
usefully applied. But fate had decided otherwise. 


The return of the usurper to France, and the com- 
pletely false steps taken by the French Government from 
1815 to 1820, accumulated a mass of new dangers and 
great calamities for the whole civilised world. It is to 
the first of these misfortunes that is partly due the cri- 
tical state in which France and the whole social body is 
placed. Bonaparte destroyed in a hundred days the 
work of the fourteen years during which he had ex- 
ercised his authority. He set free the revolution which 
he came to France to subdue ; he brought back men's 
minds, not to the epoch of the 18th Brumaire, but to 
the principles which the National Assembly had adopted 
in its deplorable blindness. 

What Bonaparte had thus done to the detriment of 
France and Europe, the grave errors which the French 
Government have since committed, and to which other 
Governments have yielded — all these unhappy influences 
weigh heavily on the world of to-day ; they threaten 
with total ruin the work of restoration, the fruit of so 
many glorious efforts, and of a harmony between the 
greatest monarchs unparalleled in the records of his- 
tory, and they give rise to fears of indescribable calam- 
ities to society. 

In this memoir we have not yet touched on one of 
the most active and at the same time most dangerous 
instruments used by the revolutionists of all countries, 
with a success which is no longer doubtful. I refer to 
the secret societies, a real power, all the more dangerous 
as it works in the dark, undermining all parts of the 
social body, and depositing everywhere the seeds of a 
moral gangrene which is not slow to develop and in- 
crease. This plague is one of the worst which those 
Governments who are lovers of peace and of their 
people have to watch and fight against. 


Do Remedies for this Evil exist, and What are They? 

We look upon it as a fundamental truth, that for 
every disease there is a remedy, and that the knowledge 
of the real nature of the one should lead to the dis- 
covery of the other. Few men, however, stop tho- 
roughly to examine a disease which they intend to- 
combat. There are hardly any who are not subject to 
the influence of passion, or held under the yoke of 
prejudice ; there are a great many who err in a way 
more perilous still, on account of its flattering and often 
brilliant appearance : we speak of V esprit de systeme ; 
that spirit always false, but indefatigable, audacious 
and irrepressible, is satisftictory to men imbued with 
it (for they live in and govern a world created by 
themselves), but it is so much the more dangerous for 
the inhabitants of the real Avorld, so different from that 
cieated by l' esprit de systeme. 

There is another class of men who, judging of a 
disease by its outward appearance, confound the acces- 
sory manifestations with the root of the disease, and,, 
instead of directing their efforts to the source of the 
evil, content themselves with subduing some passing 

It is our duty to try and avoid both of these dan- 

The evil exists and it is enormous. We do not 
think we can better define it and its cause at all times 
and in all places than we have already done by the 
word ' presumption,' tliat inseparable companion of the 
half-educated, that spring of an unmeasured ambition,, 
and yet easy to satisfy in times of trouble and confusion. 

It is principally the middle classes of society which. 


this moral gangrene has affected, and it is only among 
them that the real heads of the party are found. 

For the great mass of the people it has no attrac- 
tion and can have none. The labours to which this 
class — the real people — are obliged to devote them- 
selves, are too continuous and too positive to allow them, 
to throw themselves into vague abstractions and am- 
bitions. The people know what is the happiest thing 
for tliem : namely, to be able to count on the morrow, 
for it is the morrow which will repay them for the 
cares and sorrows of to-day. The laws which afford a 
just protection to individuals, to families, and to pro- 
perty, are quite simple in their essence. The people 
dread any movement which injures industry and brings 
new burdens in its train. 

Men in the higher classes of society who join the 
revolution are either falsely ambitious men or, in the 
widest acceptation of the word, lost spirits. Their 
career, moreover, is generally short ! They are the first 
victims of political reforms, and the 'part played by 
the small number among them who survive is mostly 
that of courtiers despised by upstarts, their inferiors, 
promoted to the first dignities of the State ; and of this 
France, Germany, Italy, and Spain furnish a number of 
living examples. 

We do not believe that fresh disorders with a 
directly revolutionary end — not even revolutions in the 
palace and the highest places in the Government — are 
to be feared at present in France, because of the de- 
cided aversion of the people to anything which might 
disturb the peace they are now enjoying after so many 
troubles and disasters. 

In Germany, as in Spain and Italy, the people ask 
only for peace and quiet. 


In all four countries the agitated classes are prin- 
cipally composed of wealthy men — real cosmopolitans, 
securing their personal advantage at the expense of any 
order of things whatever — paid State officials, men of 
letters, lawyers, and the individuals charged with the 
pubhc education. 

To these classes may be added that of the falsely 
ambitious, whose number is never considerable among 
the lower orders, but is larger in the higher ranks of 

There is besides scarcely any epoch which does not 
offer a rallying cry to some particular faction. This 
cry, since 1815, has been Constitution. But do not let 
us deceive ourselves : this word, susceptible of great 
latitude of interpretation, would be but imperfectly 
understood if we supposed that the factions attached 
quite the same meaning to it under the different 
regimes. Such is certainly not the case. In pure 
monarchies it is qualified by the name of ' national re- 
presentation.' In countries which have lately been 
brought under the representative regime it is called 
' development,' and promises charters and fundamental 
laws. In the only State which possesses an ancient 
national representation it takes 'reform' as its object. 
Everywhere it means change and trouble. 

In pure monarchies it may be paraphrased thus : — 
' The level of equality shall pass over your heads ; your 
fortunes shall pass into other hands ; your ambitions, 
which have been satisfied for centuries, shall now give 
place to our ambitions, which have been hitherto 

In the States under a new regime they say : — 'The 
ambitions satisfied yesterday must give place to those of 
the morrow, and this is the morrow for us.' 

H H 2 


Lastly, in England, the only place in tlie third class, 
the rallying cry — that of Eeform — combines the two 

Europe thus presents itself to the impartial observer 
under an aspect at the same time deplorable and 
peculiar. We find everywhere the people praying for 
the maintenance of peace and tranquillity, faithful to 
God and their Princes, remaining proof against the 
efforts and seductions of the factious who call themselves 
friends of the people and wish to lead them to an 
agitation which the people themselves do not desire ! 

The Governments, having lost their balance, are 
frightened, intimidated, and thrown into confusion by 
the cries of the intermediary class of society, which, 
placed between the Kings and their subjects, breaks 
the sceptre of the monarch, and usurps the cry of 
the people — that class so often disowned by the people, 
and nevertheless too much listened to, caressed and 
feared by those who could with one word reduce it 
again to nothingness. 

We see this intermediary class abandon itself with a 
blind fury and animosity wliich proves much more its 
own fears than any confidence in the success of its 
enterprises, to all the means which seem proper to 
assuage its thirst for power, applying itself to the task 
of persuading Kings that their rights are confined to 
sitting upon a throne, while those of the people are to 
govern, and to attack all that centuries have bequeathed 
as holy and worthy of man's respect — denying, in fact, 
the value of the past, and declaring themselves the 
masters of the future. We see this class take all sorts 
of disguises, uniting and subdividing as occasion offers, 
helping «ach other in the hour of danger, and the next 
day depriving each other of all their conquests. It 


takes possession of the press, and employs it to pro- 
mote impiety, disobedience to the laws of religion and 
the State, and goes so far as to preach murder as a 
duty for those who desire what is good. 

One of its leaders in Germany defined public opinion 
as ' the will of the strong man in the spirit of the 
party ' — a maxim too often put in practice, and too 
seldom understood by those whose right and duty it is 
to save society from its own errors, its own weaknesses, 
and the crimes which the factious commit while pre- 
tending to act in its interests. 

The evil is plain ; the means used by the faction 
which causes these disorders are so blameable in prin- 
ciple, so criminal in their application, and expose the 
faction itself to so many dangers, that what men of 
narrow views (whose head and heart are broken by 
circumstances strons^er than their calculations or their 
courage) regard as the end of society may become the 
first step towards a better order of things. These weak 
men would be right unless men stronger than they are 
come forward to close their ranks and determine the 

We are convinced that society can no longer be 
saved without strong and vigorous resolutions on the 
part of the Governments still free in their opinions and 

We are also convinced that this may yet be, if tlie 
Governments face the truth, if they free themselves 
from all illusion, if they join their ranks and take their 
stand on a line of correct, unambiguous, and frankly 
announced principles. 

By this course the monarchs will fulfil the duties 
imposed upon them by Him who, by entrusting them 
with power, has charged them to watch over the main- 


tenance of justice, and the rights of all, to avoid the 
paths of error, and tread firmly in the way of truth. 
Placed beyond the passions which agitate society, it 
is in days of trial chiefly that they are called upon to 
despoil realities of their false appearances, and to show 
themselves as they are, fathers invested with the au- 
thority belonging by right to the heads of families, to 
prove that, in days of mourning, they know how to be 
just, wise, and therefore strong, and that they will not 
abandon the people whom they ought to govern to be 
the sport of factions, to error and its consequences, 
which must involve the loss of society. The moment 
in which we are putting our thoughts on paper is one 
of these critical moments. The crisis is great ; it will be 
decisive according to the part we take or do not take. 

There is a rule of conduct common to individuals 
and to States, established by the experience of centuries 
as by that of everyday life. This rule declares ' that 
one must not dream of reformation while agitated by 
passion ; wisdom directs that at such moments we should 
limit ourselves to maintaining.' 

Let the monarchs vigorously adopt this principle ; 
let all their resolutions bear the impression of it. Let 
their actions, their measures, and even their words 
announce and prove to the world this determination — 
they will find allies everywhere. The Governments, in 
estabhshing the principle of stability, will in no wise 
exclude the development of what is good, for stability 
is not immobility. But it is for those who are bur- 
dened with the heavy task of government to augment 
the well-being of their people ! It is for Governments 
to regulate it according to necessity and to suit the 
times. It is not by concessions, which the factious 
strive to force from legitimate power, and which they 

metternich's political faith. 471 

liave neither the right to chiim nor the faculty of 
keeping within just bounds, that wise reforms can be 
carried out. That all the good possible should be 
done is our most ardent wish ; but that which is not 
good must never be confounded with that which is, and 
even real good should be done only by those who 
unite to the right of authority the means of enforcing 
it. Such should be also the sincere wish of the people, 
who know by sad experience the value of certain 
phrases and the nature of certain caresses. 

Eespect for all that is ; liberty for every Government 
to watch over the well-being of its own people ; a league 
between all Governments against factions in all States ; 
contempt for the meaningless words which have become 
the rallying cry of the factious ; respect for the pro- 
gressive development of institutions in lawful ways ; 
refusal on the part of every monarch to aid or succour 
partisans under any mask whatever — such are happily 
the ideas of the great monarch s : the world will be 
saved if they bring them into action — it is lost if they 
do not. 

Union between the monarchs is the basis of the 
policy which must now be followed to save society from 
total ruin. 

What is the particular object tow^ards which tins 
pohcy should be directed? The more important this 
question is, the more necessary it is to solve it. A 
principle is something, but it acquires real value only 
in its application. 

The first sources of the evil which is crushing the 
world have been indicated by us in a paper which has 
no pretension to be anything more than a mere sketch. 
Its further causes have also there been pointed out • 


if, with respect to individuals, it may be defined by 
the word pre.mmption, in applying it to society, taken as 
a whole, we believe we can best describe the existing 
evil as the confusion of ideas, to which too n^uch gene- 
ralisation constantly leads. This is wliat now troubles 
society. Everything which up to this time has been 
considered as fixed in principle is attacked and over- 

In religious matters criticism and inquiry are to 
take the place of faith, Christian morality is to replace 
the Law of Christ as it is interpreted by Christian 

In the Catholic Church, the Jansenists and a number 
of isolated sectarians, who wish for a reho;ion Avithout a 
Church, have devoted themselves to this enterprise with 
ardent zeal : among the Protestant sects, the Methodists, 
sub-divided into almost as many sects as there are 
individuals ; then the enlightened promoters of the 
Bible Societies and the Unitarians — the promoters of 
the fusion of Lutherans and Calvinists in one Evange- 
lical community — all pursue the same end. 

The object which these men have in common, to 
whatever religion they may ostensibly belong, is simply 
to overthrow all authority. Put on moral grounds, 
they wish to enfranchise souls in the same way as some 
of the political revolutionists who were not actuated by 
motives of personal ambition wished to enfranchise the 

If the same elements of destruction wliich are now 
throwing society into convulsion have existed in all 
ages — for every age has seen immoral and ambitious 
men, hypocrites, men of heated imaginations, wrong 
motives, and wild projects — yet ours, by the single 
fact of the hberty of the press, possesses more than any 

:metteenich's political faith. 473 

preceding age the means of contact, seduction, and 
attraction whereby to act on these different classes of 

We are certainly not alone in questioning if society 
can exist with the liberty of the press, a scourge un- 
known to the world before the latter half of tlie seven- 
teenth century, and restrained until the end of the 
eighteenth, with scarcely any exceptions but England — 
a part of Europe separated from the continent by the 
sea, as well as by her language and by her pecuHar 

The first principle to be followed by the monarchs, 
united as they are by the coincidence of their desires 
and opinions, should be that of maintaining the stability 
of political institutions against the disorganised excite- 
ment which has taken possession of men's minds ; the 
immutability of principles against the madness of their 
interpretation ; and respect for laws actually in force 
a£!;ainst a desire for their destruction. 

The hostile faction is divided into two very distinct 
parties. One is that of the Levellers ; the other, that 
of the Doctrinaires. United in times of confusion, these 
men are divided in times of inaction. It is for the 
Governments to understand -and estimate them at their 
just value. 

In the class of Levellers there are found men of 
strong will and determination. The Doctrinaires can 
count none such among their ranks. If the first are 
more to be feared in action, the second are more dan- 
gerous in that time of deceitful calm which precedes 
it ; as with physical storms, so with those of social 
order. Given up to abstract ideas inapplicable to real 
wants, and generally in contradiction to those very 
wants, men of this class unceasingly agitate the people 


by their imaginary or simulated fears, and disturb Go- 
vernments in order to make them deviate from "the 
rig] it path. The world desires to be governed by facts 
and according to justice, not by phrases and theories ; 
the first need of society is to be maintained by strong 
authority (no authority without real strength deserves 
the name) and not to govern itself. In comparing the 
number of contests between parties in mixed Govern- 
ments, and that of just complaints caused by aberra- 
tions of power in a Christian State, the comparison 
would not be in favour of the new doctrines. The first 
and greatest concern for the immense majority of every 
nation is the stability of the laws, and their uninter- 
rupted action — never their change. Therefore let the 
Governments govern, let them maintain the groundwork 
of their institutions, both ancient and modern ; for if it 
is at all times dangerous to touch them, it certainly 
would not now, in the general confusion, be wise to 
do so. 

Let them announce this determination to their people, 
and demonstrate it by facts. Let them reduce the Doc- 
trinaires to silence within their States, and show their 
contempt for them abroad. Let them not encourage 
by their attitude or action^ the suspicion of being fa- 
vourable or indifferent to error : let them not allow it 
to be believed that experience has lost all its rights to 
make way for experiments which at the least are dan- 
gerous. Let them be precise and clear in all their words, 
and not seek by concessions to gain over those parties 
who aim at the destruction of all power but their own, 
whom concessions will never gain over, but only further 
embolden in their pretensions to power. 

Let them in these troublous times be more than 
usually cautious in attempting real amehorations, not 

metternich's political faith. 475 

imperatively claimed by the needs of the moment, to 
the end that good itself may not turn against them 
—which is the case whenever a Government measure 
seems to be inspired by fear. 

Let them not confound concessions made to parties 
with the good they ought to do for their people, in 
modifying, according to their recognised needs, such 
branches of the administration as require it. 

Let them give minute attention to the financial state 
of their kingdoms, so that their people may enjoy, by 
the reduction of public burdens, the real, not imaginary, 
benefits of a state of peace. 

Let them be just, but strong ; beneficent, but strict. 

Let them maintain religious principles iii all their 
purity, and not allow the faith to be attacked and 
morality interpreted according to the social contract or 
the visions of foolish sectarians. 

Let them suppress Secret Societies, that gangrene of 

In short, let the great monarchs strengthen their 
union, and prove to the world that if it exists, it is bene- 
ficent, and ensures the political peace of Europe : that 
it is powerful only for the maintenance of tranquillity 
at a time when so many attacks are directed against it ; 
that the principles which they profess are paternal and 
protective, menacing only the disturbers of public tran- 

The Governments of the second order will see in 
such a union the anchor of their salvation, and tliey 
will be anxious to connect themselves with it. The 
people will take confidence and courage, and the most 
profound and salutary peace which the history of any 
time can show will have been effected. This peace will 
first act on countries still in a good state, but will not 


be without a very decided influence on the fate of 
those threatened with destruction, and even assist the 
restoration of those which have already passed under 
the scourge of revohition. 

To every great State determined to survive the 
storm tliere still remain many chances of salvation, and 
a strong union between the States on the principles we 
have announced will overcome the storm itself. 



Extracts from Metternich's private Letters from January 4 to 
May 21, 1821. 

489. Arrival in Laybach — ^journey — lodging. 490. Feast of the Three Kings 
— the Iving of Naples. 491. Prince Paul Esterhazy. 492. Agreement 
■with Emperor Alexander. 493. A sentence from Capo dTstria's despatch. 
494. Probable duration of the Congress. 495. Frau von HittrofF. 496. 
Results — anecdotes. 497. The army crosses the Po. 498. A lecture for 
the insurgents — reflections — evening with the Emperor Alexander. 499, 
Writing. 600. The Congress — Capo dTstria's star declines. 501. Direct 
news from Naples — Nesselrode. 502. Hard work. 503. Dissolution of 
the Congress. 504. The army takes the offensive — Laj'bach empty. 505. 
Commencement of hostilities. 506. The army. 507. Lord Holland's 
conduct. 508. Insurrection in Alessandria and Turin. 509. Entrance 
into Naples. 510. Suppression of the Piedmontese revolution. 511. 
What will Lord Holland and Co. say? 512. A war of thirteen days. 
513. Remarkable position. 514. Greek revolution. 515. Holiday during 
the military operations — results of the last nine months. 516. Parting 
reflections. 517. Coronation in England— Prince Victor. 518. Pro- 
menade with Nesselrode. 519. Ypsilanti. 520. Conversation with the 
Emperor Alexander. 521. An unexpected result. 522. Excursion up a 
mountain. 523. The public feeling. 524. Italian opera in Laybach. 
525. Departure from Laybach. 

489. Laybach, January 4, 1821. — On December 25, 
in the morning, I left Troppau, and on the morning 
of the 27th arrived at Vienna, where I remained till 
New Year's Day. I started from Vienna on January 1, 
in fifteen degrees of cold. Till the mountain was 
crossed which separates Carniola from Styria the cold 
continually increased ; but on the opposite side of the 
mountain I first felt the soutliern air, and the ice on 
my carriage windows, which was half an inch thick, 


melted in less than a quarter of an hour. I breathed 
new life, as servants often get a pleasant odour when 
they open the doors of a banquet hall. Laybach 
is hke the anteroom to some comfortable apartments. 
If Gorz were not too small to accommodate a Con- 
gress, we would have settled ourselves in that town, 
because there the Alps are entirely passed. A man 
can only really live in a country where there is no 
winter, or not a long winter. I am still the only 
person here ; the morning will bring an avalanche of 
statesmen — an avalanche that will cause no joy. 

I am very well pleased with my accommodation. I 
have a good room to write in, a good bedroom, and a 
suite of reception rooms. The mistress of the house is 
as ugly as the seven deadly sins, and has seven children 
who each resemble one of the said sins. 

Poor Nesselrode finds himself in a very strange 
moral position. There are fish which can only live in 
hard spring water ; others which do better in ponds or 
stacmant water. The trout belonc^s to the first class : 
in soft, stagnant water it becomes flabby ; but if you 
let a little fresh water flow in, the poor fish soon be- 
comes lively, and gains that appearance of liealth and 
strength so peculiar to the trout in water, and its chief 

Now, there are men who have not sufficient strength 
of character to overcome the difficulties which surround 
them ; others, again, who are more comfortable in the 
mud. Nesselrode by nature belongs to the class of 
trout, but unhappily he remains in the mud. Since I 
have let a little fresh water in upon him he has as- 
tonishingly revived. He has become lively, and longs 
for the harder but healthier medium. He will cer- 
tainly not remain so, for what is a glass of pure water 


in such a swamp ? The poor httle man has moments 
when he thmks he is all right again ; if he were a fish 
he would be carried away with the current. 

Do you know an English novel called " Anastasius"? 
In it there is a description of the Greek character (I 
think in the fourth, fifth, or sixth chapter) wliich is very 
good and accurate, as indeed is everything in this book 
relating to Oriental, and especially Greek, customs. You 
will find there Capo dTstria word for word, exactly as 
he is. It is really extraordinary that destiny should 
have brought us, who are of so opposite a nature, and 
have come into the world seven or eight hundred 
miles from one another, to meet upon the same ground. 
Nemo propheta in patria, says the proverb. Whether 
Capo d'Istria will ever be a prophet beyond his father- 
land I doubt. 

I should have liked Eobespierre better than Abbe 
de Pradt, and Attila better than Quiroga. A tyrant 
does not alarm me ; I should know how to avoid his 
attacks, or bear them with honour. But the Eadical 
maniac, the sentimental Boudoir-Philanthropist, make 
me uncomfortable. I like iron and gold, but I hate tin 
and copper. This childish feeling is so decided in me 
that I never can endure plated things 

490. January 6. — To-day is the Festival of the 
Three Kings ; it is very convenient, too, that they now 
come together. We are very gallant here, and will 
manage it so that the old Ferdinand (King of JSTaples) 
draws the bean. 

For the second time the task devolved on me of 
picking him up — for he has the unfortunate habit of 
always throwing himself down. But many Kings fancy 
that the Throne is only an armchair, in wliich one can 
sleep quite comfortably. In the year 1821, however, a 


seat of this kind is inconvenient to sleep in, and badly 

My Emperor came to-day. For some months I have 
had but one quiet day, and that was yesterday. Such 
a day is a remarkable one in my life. Tlie Emperor 
Alexander comes to-morrow, and the next day the 
King of Xaples. My tasks are, unhappily, always of 
such a kind that it would be very pleasant if the 
end of one was not the beirinning; of another. A 
hard saying of the late Duke of Laval has the fullest 
application to my business. He said to me once, ' I 
never lend anyone a farthing; why should I? At the 
very best my money will only be given back to me.' 
There lies in tliis axiom a truth which is irresistible. 

491. January 7.- — Paul Esterhazy was 

allotted to me for many years. He will be my best 
biographer, on account of his extraordinary memory 
Whenever I meet him I am oblis^ed to laui^h, for he is 
always overflowing with old anecdotes which I had 
long forgotten. He knows my history from the year 
1807 till 1815 better than I do myself. He does not 
know everything, but still he knows much, is shrewd — 
very shrewd — and perhaps knows more than I suspect. 
He is to me like a son, and loves me like a father. 

492. January 10. — To-day, if the earth does not 
break up or the heavens fall down, or the commonest 
and vilest ruffians destroy all good people with right 
and strong wills, we have won the cause. Capo 
dlstria twists about like a devil in holy water ; but he 
is in holy water and can do nothing. The chief cause 
of our activity to-day arises from my thorough agree- 
ment witli the Emperor Alexander. Here, again, the 
tea makes its astonishing power felt. 

Is there anytliing in the world wliicli can to-day 

CAPO d'istria's eloquence. 481 

take the place of ink, pens, a conference-table with its 
green cover, and a few greater or smaller bunglers ? 

493. January 13. — Capo d'Istria has given us the 
benefit of a new miracle of his genius. Here is a 
sentence out of an official paper descriptive of the 
Neapolitan insurrection. Since Isaiah and Cicero, the 
first as a poet, the other as an orator, notliing more 
eloquent has ever been uttered than the following 
words : — ' La sedition, associee aux mysteres impies d'une 
secte antisociale, projitant de Vegarement qiielte avait 
provoque, a adopte une monstruosite politique destructive 
du Gouvernment auquel elle devait Voheissance, incapable 
de lui en suhstituer un autre, et incompatible avec la paix 
generale.' Here we have an insurrection veiled in 
mystery — an insurrection utihsing a confusion, in order 
to produce a monstrosity, which monstrosity owed obe- 
dience to the Government. Further — and, indeed, this 
is the boldest stroke — this monstrosity, or this sect, or, 
if you like, the insurrection with its adopted daughter 
the monstrosity, is incapable of forming a Government, 
which Government, which cannot be made, is incompat- 
ible with the general peace ! 

These words apparently represent the roll of the 
thunder ; at the proper place they are to strike like 
lightning. Can the result be doubted? What are 
battalions and artillery in comparison with such a 
phrase? May it not be expected that the Neapolitan 
volunteers will throw themselves in the dust, with ashes 
on their heads, and will they not with a voice of 
despair cry pater, peccavi ? 

Never was I more fortunate than in having (under 
present circumstances) arrived at a discreet age. Now 
1 am safe in presence of such aberrations. At twenty 
they would have been dangerous : at thirty I might 

VOL. III. 1 1 


perhaps have become a fool or a maniac, but now I am 
well armed. I let them pass, listen like a Roman Senator 
without discomposing my countenance, and swear ! 
Capo d'Istria has excused himself, and this is hterally 
true, for the reason given is a mere excuse. 

494. January 16. — We shall hardly get away 
from here till the end of March. An army takes thirty 
days to march from the Po to Naples, and we must 
await their entry here. At any rate, the present 
residence here is pleasanter than the former ; it is 
much more agreeable. We have some public amuse- 
ments, as, for instance, two masked balls in the week, 
the first of which they say was not very lively ; among 
five-and-forty men there was one lady, who fell asleep 
in a corner of the room, which did not speak much 
for the gallantry of the gentlemen. Moreover, there 
are here some very pretty women, the prettiest being 
Countess Tliurn, who is two-and twenty. They talk also 
of two other ladies, one of whom is five-and-twenty, 
the other five-and-thirty ; the first limps, which you 
do not notice if she is sitting ; the other has stern 
manners, but is of a very enthusiastic nature. This 
lady I will endeavour to install as the poet of our Con- 

495. January 24. — ^Frau von HittrofT is here with 
her two very pretty daughters. All our Austrians 
are in love with both. One is to marry a rich young 
man of good family, who belongs to our embassy 
at Rome ; and the other is to marry our ambassador at 
Florence, a very clever and agreeable man. He is two 
or three and forty, while the girl is not yet sixteen. If 
he is successful and it goes on, I shall be very glad, for 
I like this worthy man about me, and he is a sort of 
right hand to me. I am so much occupied with military 


matters that I hardly myself know whether I do not 
belong to the mihtary profession. 

496. January 25. — We are ready ; the diplomatic 
fight is won ; sound manly sense has conquered. The 
principle is clear and plainly set forth, and if heaven 
favours us the execution will be quick and successful. 
The evening before a battle no general can say if he 
will win ; but he must count his troops, reconnoitre the 
ground, think of the retreat, and then let fly at the 
enemy. Providence only knows how the battle will go, 
but since providence has bestowed on us the gift of 
foresight, she at least expects from us that her priceless 
gifts, reason and conscience, should be taken into 
council. From the moment when I had the inward 
conviction of having satisfied this expectation I was 
calm and content. I am not accessible to fear ; I know 
no other than the fear lest I should mistake what is 
good and right. One day a thief, or perhaps a murderer, 
got in at my window and stood by my bed ; he thought 
I slept, but I observed him. I allowed him to come 
nearer without moving, but loosened my sheets so that 
nothing might be in my way. One jump and I stood 
up, seized him, threw him out of the window, and lay 
down again. ' He or I ' was my thought. That is logic 
in business as with robbers. This circumstance took 
place in the year 1811. 

I was yesterday on the Eedoubt, which is dreadfully 
knocked about. It seems that this beautiful country 
has not always beautiful inhabitants. I saw only one 
pretty woman's face, and that belonged to a Eussian 
cook, who caused much mischief among the soldiers. 
As I am not a soldier, I did not prolong my stay more 
than a quarter of an hour. 

497. February 6. — To-day sixty thousand men wiU 



cross the Po. In less than thirty days they will sit in 
the curulian chairs of the Parthenopian lawgiver as a 
proof that there is no procrastination with me. My 
enemies must find me very inconvenient. The Austrian 
proclamation is good, simple, and to the point.* 

To-day I have the same feeling as on August 15, 
1813, but the feeling of having an army on one's 
shoulders is somewhat oppressive. 

498. February 7. — Every hour now brings us news 
from Italy which, taken altogether, shows that it will 
not come to a battle. I confess I shall be sorry. If it is 
necessary to give the insurgents a lesson it ought to be 
strongly expressed. Nothing is useful which is merely 
done privately ; it ought to be done openly. 

At any rate the outcome of it will be a new ex- 

* This proclamation to the Neapolitan people, which was written in 
Italian and signed by the Austrian General in Command, Baron Frimont, 
dated Foligno, February 27, 1821, may be translated as follows: — 'Neapoli- 
tans ! At the moment when by my orders the army has crossed the frontier 
of the kingdom, I feel bound to make known freely and openly to you the 
object of my operations. Last July a deplorable revolution destroyed your 
domestic peace and severed the bonds of friendship which can only subsist 
between neighbouring States on the basis of mutual confidence. Your kin" 
has lifted his voice and spoken to his people in a royal and paternal mamier. 
He has warned you of the horrors of a useless war, which will not be brought 
upon you by others, but which you will bring upon yourselves. The old 
and faithful allies of your country have also expressed themselves. They 
have, indeed, duties to their own people, but your true and lasting happi- 
ness is also dear to them, and that you will never find by forsaking the path 
of duty or by insurrection. Withdraw, therefore, of your own free will 
from a miserable afi'air into which you have been led by strangers, and have 
confidence in your king. Your welfare and his are inseparably united. We 
are led by no hostile views to cross the frontiers of Naples. The army under 
my orders will meet as friends all Neapolitans who are faithful and peace- 
able subjects of their king ; it will be always and everywhere under the 
strictest discipline, and only treat as enemies those who act as enemies. 
Neapolitans ! Listen to the voice of your king and his friends, who are 
also yours : consider the mischief you would cause by useless opposition ; 
remember that the fallacies to which the enemies of peace and order strive 
to win you over never can be the source of lasting prosperity.' — Ed. 


ample. For the first time for thirty years an evil will 
be pubhcly combated which has been represented to 
weak humanity as the highest good. Our children's 
children will think us very foolish, and this conviction 
often weighs upon my mind, for I belong to a class of 
men who live more in the future than in the present. 
My mind has an historical tinge which helps me over 
many present difficulties. With me the future is always 
before my eyes, and I believe I am far less exposed to 
the dancrer of error with regard to the future than with 
regard to the present. 

However, I do not carry this feeling so far as to be 
dangerous to a man in my position. I do not overlook 
the present ; I take it at its real value, but the present 
is not worth much. This is evident to me, and history 
has perhaps never displayed such a pitiable crowd of 
small personages who only busy themselves with follies. 
Heavens ! how we shall all be abused when the day of 
reckoning comes — and that day will come. Then some 
worthy man who, among the hundred thousand pam- 
phlets and in the grocers' shops, discovers my name, 
will find perhaps in the year 2440 that in this far- 
distant time one being existed who was less wrong- 
headed than his contemporaries, who carried self-esti- 
mation so far as to believe themselves arrived at the 
culminating point of civihsation. 

This evening I spent three hours with the Emperor 
Alexander. I cannot rightly describe the impression 
which I appeared to make on him. My words sounded 
like a voice from the other world. The inward feehng 
of the Emperor has, moreover, much altered, and to 
this I believe I have much contributed. 

499. February 9. — I write in two hours what my 
copyist can hardly prepare in five ; hence it happens 


that my writing as well as my style suffers from the 
necessary haste. Nine times out of ten I am quite 
ashamed when I read it over again. Alfieri asserted 
that to write really well a man should copy the manu- 
script four or five times before it goes to the printer ; 
then the printed copy should be laid aside for some 
months, and then two days devoted to the correction of 
each proof sheet. What would become of the world if 
this process was imposed on us in the offices ? Alfieri 
forgot to add that people should only write when they 
feel intellectually moved to do so. With us poor people 
the contrary is, unhappily, always the case. I generally 
write the most when I have the deepest feeling of my 
stupidity, because nothing puts me in this flattering 
moral position so easily as a long, often senseless, strife 
of words. 

500. February 12. — The Laybach Congress is to- 
day like a father who knows a child is about to be born 
to him. Will it be a boy or a girl, an angel or a 
monster .^ The poor father cannot know this till the 
moment of the arrival. 

The star of the Eussian Premier begins to decline. 
The breach between Capo dTstria and the Emperor con- 
stantly increases ; in a team, if one horse pulls to the 
rioht and the other to the left, the carriafje will not 
reach its destination till the stroncrer has draijo-ed off 
the weaker of the two. The Emperor is the stronger, 
and for transparent reasons. 

501. February 17. — We have to-day received the 
first direct news from Naples. The Prince Eegent holds 
fast to his friends, and these assert that the whole 
nation are as one. Now, tliis will be seen Mdien the 
first shot is fired. 

Bignon's brochure on the Troppau Congress is from 


the first to the last page a tissue of erroneous assertions, 
doctrinaire rubbish, diplomatic pathos, and wilful un- 
truth. I look through nearly all the pamphlets which 
come out ; I read Bignon's in fifteen and Pradt's in five 
minutes. From the title I gather what it is all about, 
then I read the conclusion to ascertain the point to be 
arrived at, and then I dip into five or six places — more 
I do not need to enable me to have a knowledge of the 
whole. Just now there are two sexes in politics. Tlie 
Doctrinaires are neither of the two, and with them I 
have nothing in common ; I hardly ever read them and 
never listen to them ; for such authors I am a good and 
also a bad pubhc — good, because I buy all the trash 
with which they weary the world ; bad, because I only 
turn over the leaves of the book without any very deep 
examination of it. Every malady has its positive 
symptoms, every writer of the day has a stamp of 
his own, and tlie name of the author is sufficient to tell 
me beforehand the contents of his work. 

I lately had a sharp contest with Capo dTstria, and 
was obliged to speak to the Emperor Alexander about 
it. I am certain that at the end of the jSTeapohtan 
question his retirement will not be very distant. 

... I think it natural that Nesselrode should like 
me ; he is an honourable, right-thinking man. 

. . . Glorious weather ; plenty of sun, which I like. 
If they give me the name of an Obscurantist, at any rate 
it can never be applied physically. I can always stand 
at the very focus of the light, that I may absorb and 
retain it in all my pores. 

502. February 23. — I have two days of very hard 
work in store for me. You cannot imagine what stormy 
days are to be seen in my room. Twenty or tliirty 
persons come in and out ; one wants an order, another 


some advice, a third an explanation ; then the news- 
mono-ers, the dissatisfied, &c., &c. No one beheves that 
the Emperor Alexander and I understand one another 
thoroughly, and yet it is so. The influence of the last 
four months has been effectual ; the stronger has carried 
ofi' the weaker, according to all the laws of mechanics, 
physics, and morals. The Eussian Premier hes on the 
ground. Will he ever get up again? 

503. February 28. — To-day we dissolved the Con- 
gress. I made my closing speech. We are to meet in 
Florence, September 1, 1822. The Emperor Alexander 
has behaved excellently well. Capo dlstria has lost the 
suit and pays the costs. If the Neapohtan affairs go 
well, he is lost ; if they miscarry, certainly he will be 
saved ; but I think they will go well. 

504. March 3. — There is a stagnation in the news ; 
the army will not take the offensive till the 4th. Laybach 
begins to empty, and one feels the emptiness more in a 
small than in a large space. The King of Naples left 
this morning; ; the Itahans all follow him. I do not 
lament over the emptiness. It gives me much the 
same feeling that I have when I step out of a ball-room 
into my own house. The air is better, the temperature 
more agreeable, and comfort replaces etiquette. The 
chorus of Liberals will now strike up in a beautiful 
manner. I enjoy it beforehand : that is, abuse from 
people whom I purposely tread under foot pleases me. 

505. March 7. — To-day the first shot will be 
fired. The affair may go well or it may go badly. If 
it goes well, our enemies will exclaim against the ab- 
surdity of our putting forth so much military strength ; 
if it goes badly, they will make merry over an enter- 
prise so far beyond our strength. If we had only 
looked out of the window to see what people in the 


street were doing, those good people would have jeered 
at the weaklings wlio had not passed beyond the ABO 
of the art of government. A fine time for the metier 
of a minister. 

506. March 7. — You will have learned the success 
of our army from the public papers. The whole affair 
will go off in vapour because it was only vapour. 

The populace are like children or nervous women 
who beheve in ghosts ; it belongs to my nature to go 
straight up to every mysterious power. I must see 
clearly and grasp firmly. When I was a child my play- 
mates thought to frighten me with a ghost. I was then 
a boy of seven, and going down a dark passage a ghost 
came to meet me. But, unhappily for the ghost, I had 
a stick in my hand, and soon beat the masqueradei'. 
This story of my seventh year is the story of my 
pubhc life. I am always flying out at what to others 
seems unassailable. There now exists an enormous 
power which is properly nothing but a marvel of 
phrases ; but the latter are false, resting on false foun- 
dations, and leading to false results. People wish me 
to sanction as principles what goes against my nature ; 
if I wished to do it, I could not ; rather death a hun- 
dred times than accept as truth what to my eyes is 
openly false. 

The Neapolitans will receive us as friends and de- 
liverers. They will load us with caresses and will 
become our defenders ; one after the other they will 
leave the Eump Parliament with great pohteness in the 
lurch : the people will have nothing of all that their 
so-called organs say in the press or from the tribune. 
They wish to live in peace and quiet, and enjoy the 
blessings of freedom and civilisation, which are nothing 
but the feeling of certainty for the morrow. If I am 


■vvise, seven-eighths of the present world are mad. If I 
am a fool, how many wise people there are just now ! 

607. March 11. — ^What a deplorable part Lord 
Holland is playing ! " Do you know what will happen 
to him ? A fortnight will not pass by before he will 
wish to give half he possesses to be able to recall his 
shameful words. I know the patriotism of this kind of 
patriot : when they perceive that their insolence does 
not succeed, they are awe-struck and repent : such are 
the heroes of this century of enlightenment. 

508. March 15. — On the 12th 1 was awoke very 
early by the news of the military insurrection in Ales- 
sandria and Turin. I said to my informant, ' Well, I 
have expected it,' got up and went to my Emperor, and 
then to the Emperor of Russia. We returned together 
to the first, and by twelve o'clock the following laconic 
orders were prepared and despatched : — 

1. Tlie Neapolitan army is to accelerate all its ope- 
rations, and not to trouble itself about what goes on in 

2. Eighty thousand men are to march from Vienna 
and the neighbourhood to Italy. 

3. Ninety thousand men from Eussia must cross our 

Whereupon we separated and ate our dinner as 

509. March 22. — If I calculate correctly we shall 
enter Naples to-morrow : this revolution will be anni- 
hilated. A great phantasmagoria is, in fact, broken up ; 
in less than eight days this will be evident to the most 

Our army has not lost one drop of blood, and has 
gained much glory, for no excess, not the slightest 

* In the English Parliamentary debates, February 19, 1821. — Ed. 


disorder, has taken place. Tliey did not fire, because 
their fire could not be returned. Scouts were never 
employed, for the people everywhere came to meet our 
troops, received them as deliverers, and gave up to 
them the food they had concealed from the inquiries 
of their oppressors. Our army climbed over moun- 
tains, marched through narrow passes, and arrived in 
the city with the unanimous cry, ' Long live the King ! 
Hurrah for Austria ! ' If the peasants are asked where 
the hostile army actually is, they reply, ' They have 
fled : they have gone to eat maccaroni.' Behind this 
nation always stands Polcinello, and before Polcinello 
we were intended to bow ! 

This is all very pleasant : still I do not know where 
I shall find the time for so much hard work. Heaven 
has endowed me with the quahties of draught oxen. 
The more I work, the better I am. The last eight nights. 
I have hardly slept more than two hours. 

610. March 24. — The Piedmontese revolution ofoes 
on to meet its entire defeat. Yet a few days and the 
Eeform people of the Directorial Committee in Paris 
will be unpleasantly surprised. They calculate there 
on two eventualities : the one, that we shall not venture 
to touch Neapohtan freedom ; the other, that if we do 
we shall be beaten. Poor people ! 

511. March 28.— What do Lord Holland and Co. 
say ? Pepe, Minichini and their friends ? Sixty of these 
poor devils have gone on board ship, because they no 
longer knew where to lay their heads in their father- 
land ! 

The first gunshot was fired upon us by the Ge- 
neralissimo of the insurgents. This Generalissimo with 
his whole mob has disappeared as entirely as the cedar 
of Lebanon. The Prince de Carignan, too, has lost the 


taste for his undertaking. What will become of the poor 
country ^ It has a King who would sooner surrender 
than say Yes : his successor says No, and with that 
a revolution is destroyed. The example is not bad. 

612. March 31. — A war of thirteen days, from the 
first shot to the capitulation of the whole kingdom, is 
not a very long war. General Foy was right in his wild 
speech of March 20, when he stated as his conviction that 
no Austrian would come out of the Abruzzi if ever they 
succeeded in getting in. The Delphian oracle never 
prophesied better, and the Sibyls, Madame Lenormant 
included, have never prophesied anything more posi- 
tive. Certainly no Austrian will come out of the 
Abruzzi, because the army, after concluding the Nea- 
politan expedition, will be divided in order to settle tJie 
Piedmontese business for the execution of which it will 
choose a more convenient road. 

513. April 3. — I am in the strangest position I 
have ever been in. I have on hand an extinguished revo- 
lution and two revolutions in full blaze : one monarch 
who will not stir, and another who will go forward with 
double strides.* The first will not leave Florence unless 
I go there, and will only follow me ; I may write to 
him ever so much, write to him through the two Em- 
perors, let him be personally entreated by our Ambas- 
sadors — he remains deaf and dumb and ijives no answer 
but ' Send Metternich to me.' The other rushes like a 
madman at death and the devil, listens neither to Em- 
perors nor ambassadors, but writes letter after letter, in 
which there is nothing but ' Send me Metternich.' But 
meantime I cannot get away from here. I can neither 
get the one to go nor the other to stay. The Emperors 
are wroth and I cross myself. This is certain. Enemies 

* The Grand-Duke of Tuscany and Duke of Modena. — Ed. 


are much the most easy to manage : you run straight 
at them and make away with them ; but friends ! 

I write, and write, and I shall soon have used up as 
many pens as all the geese in Bohemia can furnish, 
which is certainly no small number. 

The history of the Piedmontese Eevolution is quite 
remarkable ; nobody knows it thoroughly. Some do 
not wish for a Eevolution, and yet make it ; others wish 
for it, but work against it — a Babel of a confusion. 
This revolution, calculated on the assumed weakness of a 
man of strong character, and on the strength of will 
of an inexperienced youth (Prince de Carignan), sup- 
ported by sects who desire the Spanish Constitution, 
and opposed by Liberals who do not — is also a horrible 
confusion. But yet the revolution seems almost super- 
annuated, and this fashion, too, will pass away as well as 
that of defending the virtue of Queen Caroline of Eng- 
land. I do not say that there will be no more revolu- 
tions, but they will be without substance, more like the 
angling of an old coquette, which among amateurs may 
perhaps still please, but real love only inspires youth 
and makes madmen. 

514. Ajjril 6. — We have now three revolutions on 
hand. The one only needs to have its nose pulled to 
go down ; the second is very ill ; and the third seems 
to drag itself along very wearily. Standing behina the 
scenes as I do, and seeing the operations of this bad 
machinery, I feel ready to die of weariness. Certainly 
no one in Europe believes that this feeling of weariness 
steals quite over me. The only interest is in the worn- 
out patriots, such as Borelli, Poerio, and many others, 
who pledge themselves to give up the names of their 
confederates if a reward is secured to them. Who will 
have such heroes for ten louis d'or apiece may enquire 


for them : I am selling off. And I am to bow my 
head before such patriotism, such citizen-like virtue ! 

615. Aprillo. — While military operations are going 
on a minister takes his holidays. The Neapolitan war 
gave me eight days : the Piedmontese, only four. Every- 
one must acknowledge that no time has been lost. The 
Eadicals have lied so openly about it that they must 
now be somewhat ashamed. 

The greatest result of the last nine months is the 
good understanding between the two Emperors. One 
thing is now certain, nothing will again divide them ; I 
will answer for that. This result belongs entirely to 
me, hke a child which one man and one woman 
have on a desert island. To have children there must 
be two, a woman and a man. I know certainly that in 
the above case I was the man on the island. 

616. April 18. — In about three weeks Laybachwill 
be as if extinct. We shall arrive at Vienna a httle 
after the swallows. I am sorry to leave the beautiful 
country. Beautiful it is, in the truest sense of the word, 
here where everything is a lovely green and the high 
snowy peaks of the Alps bound the vast horizon. The 
sight of this beautiful nature revives the heart which 
had been stifled at the conference-table. What must 
my heart be like, that can sit for ever at that eternal con- 
ference-table . But I will talk no more of this table : 

it has done its duty, and may now be put on one side. 

617. April 20. — Within six weeks two wars and 
two revolutions have been concluded. We may hope 
that by sunset the third will be in the same condition. 

The Emperor will send Prince Esterhazy as Ambas- 
sador to England for the Coronation. He will be 
accompanied by my son-in-law (Count Joseph Ester- 
hazy), Count Gatterburg (the same who with his trum- 


peter took the fortress of Alessandria), and Floret. My 
son will join them in Paris. Victor is a tall and ex- 
cellent young fellow, the quintessence of a ' fashionable ' 
new to the world, as people are at eighteen. He does 
not want for understanding, and if he is in a good mind 
he makes one laugh, for he has much humour. 

518. May 1. — The country becomes daily more 
lovely ; the diplomatists make great excursions. Yes- 
terday, I was able for the first time to go out. Little 
Nesselrode and I slipped out of the office, and staid out 
for more than eight hours. Nesselrode is enchanted, 
like a child who has never seen higher mountains than 
the banks of the Ehine. 

519. May 6. — What may happen in the East is 
beyond all calculation. Perhaps it may not be much ; 
beyond our eastern frontiers three or four hundred 
thousand hanged, strangled, or impaled, do not count 
for much. Ypsilanti, that masked Lil3eral, that Hellen- 
ist, will bring me into a dilemma. 

520. May 9. — To-day I had a long conversation 
with the Emperor Alexander. I venture to say there is 
no one in this world clever and intelligent enough to 
add anything to what was actually spoken yesterday 
between me and the Emperor. If ever anyone from 
black became white, he has. My greatest merit con- 
sists in this — by my present influence to prevent him 
from roaming beyond what is right and good : for the 
bad begins on the boundary of the good ; and this 
boundary is so slightly marked that the understanding 
can hardly discover it without that powerful and wise 
assistance which is called tact. 

521. ^tay 13. — We have brought forth a work 
which may be acknowledged by the most honourable 
man without blushing. We have made a great epoch 


— great because the conduct of it was very difficult. 
More than great is the result of the concord here 
established between those who possess the will and the 
power for action. In three months no one will speak 
any more of the events of March and April. All will 
keep silence : the good, because they always are silent ; 
the bad, because they are not flattered by their discom- 
fiture ; the stupid, because they really do not know 
what has happened, and others do not tell them. 

622. May 15. — The spring days here are wonder- 
fully fine : we have eighteen to twenty degrees of heat, 
and the pleasant influence of the sun acts on me power- 
fully. My corporeal frame is enamoured of the sun. 

I have climbed a mountain from which one can see 
the loveliest landscape for miles around. When I see 
such a sight I always wonder how people can settle 
themselves in an ugly country. The diplomatists have 
gone ofl" very sorrowfully ; the South has something 
attractive about it, and that explains several circum- 
stances in the affair. For history is properly only the 
history of the human mind, which is full of virtues and 
passions, and really contains very few bad qualities. 
Perhaps it is the influence of the sun which incites me 
to so mild a philosophy. 

523. May 16. — In London, as I foresaw, no one 
thinks any more of the late events : a proof how wrong 
one is to flatter popular feeling. If any of their apostles 
regard this feeling as a religion, they are at this 
moment, when they get such a slap in the face, bound 
to show their strength. But such popular feeling is 
only a piece of Iniffbonery played by ])ad performers. It 
brings inexhaustible treasures to the quacks, but to the 
wise not a penny. But wise men who use them ten- 
derly are either children or jugglers, and, therefore, not 


wise. This feeling has with me the value of a real 
religion, which gives to me what fools call strength, 
but which, closely analysed, is only reason, and, indeed, 
only that reason which is mere want of stupidity. That 
is my secret, but I do not betray it, because it makes 
people take me for an extraordinary man. I know this 
is the truth, but I do not wish others to know it. 

524. May 18. — The town is turned into a village : 
the streets are empty, everything has passed away, even 
Laybach's greatness. My only amusement is the Italian 
opera, which, after many changes, at last became good. 
' Eduardo and Cristina,' by Eossini, is what they are 
performing now, and it is certainly one of his best works. 
' Cenerentola,' too, has been very well sung. 

525. May 21. — I now part from this pleasant and 
beautiful town that has made so much noise in the 
world which, like every noise, passes away. But the 
result is imperishable. We have accomplished good 
and great things. They will not, indeed, be examined into, 
because a man is more concerned about an eight-days' 
fever than busied with eight years' health. My work 
has much in common with that of a physician : if the 
patient dies, people say the physician has killed him ; 
if he gets well, nature has saved him. To-morrow I 
shall start, and after making a little digression towards 
the Yeldeser lake with the owner of Eadmannsdorf, I 
shall take the road by Wurzen to Vienna. 




Extracts from Mettemich's private Letters from May 28 to 
October 1, 1821. 

520. Arrival in Vienna — appointment as State Chancellor. 527. Reflec- 
tions on the return. 528. The villa at Rennweg. 529. A hlockhead. 
530. Tedious dinner. 531. Good news from St. Petersburg. 532. Inten- 
tions of the Emperor Alexander. 533. Sad recollections at Baden. 
634. A letter from the Emperor Alexander. 535. The die is cast. 536. 
False reports. 637. Mdme. de Stael's ' Dix annees clexii: 538. Diifi- 
culties of the situation. 539. Unpleasantness of the Greek question. 
540. News from St. Petersburg. 541. Hohenlohe's miracle. 642. "Will 
the King of England come to Vienna ? 

526. Vienna^ May 28, 1821. — I arrived here the 
day before yesterday at four o'clock, after a horrible 
night, from dreadful weather. Such a journey tho- 
roughly exhausts me. I hate travelling, and in a 
carriage I feel so cramped, both physically and morally, 
that even in a not very long journey I fall into a sort of 
stupor. Certain it is that I cannot endure myself on 
a journey. 

The pubhc journals announce new honours for me 
(the appointment to be TIaus- Hof- unci Staatkanzler). 
This is a bomb which has exploded over my head, and 
which I could not avoid, because I could not see it 
coming. If I had only suspected the mounting of this 
battery, I should have endeavoured to make it harm- 
less, which would have been easy. My Imperial master 
has managed the business with the greatest possible 
kindness — indeed, with a studied care, which is not 
habitual to him. But the result is really a finishing 


blow for tlie sufferer. In this new position my sphere 
of action will be much enlarged. I do not Hke to take 
up too much, because I like to master what lies within 
my province. It is certainly a marvel of fate, that 
men are often brought into such a position who care 
the least about it. A part now falls to me which would 
satisfy twenty inferior ambitions. God knows that I 
have no other ambition than to do good. If, to attain 
this object, I had to go back into my hole, I should be 
happy and content. The thing is, however, done, and 
cannot be altered. But in my new position neither a 
wig nor an ermine mantle is necessary. That would in- 
deed have been the worst of all miseries. 

I am back again in my own good city. Of course 
everyone has foreseen and foretold everything. There 
is no one here who thinks that anything could have 
been otherwise : the case was so simple and plain. Who 
here ever thought that Pepe and Ansaldi were heroes ? 
Carbonarism and intrepidity, liberalism and reason, have, 
indeed, ahvays been shown to be opposites. Everything 
has happened so simply : just as all have wished and 
desired it : like my valet Giroux, who, if anyone asserts 
exactly the contrary of what he has just said, answers, 
^C'est ce que je vous disais.' To discuss after an event 
is never possible ; for heroes then spring out of the 
earth like mushrooms. 

527. May 30. — How strange it is to return to a 
place where one feels as if one had never been away ! 
The same furniture and arrangements remain as we left 
them. We alone were the sport of agitation, and 
nothing about us connected itself with it. If I then 
turn my gaze within and ask what has changed in me,, 
I find no antithesis there. I have already seen some- 
hundred persons ; each thinks he must say something 

K K 2 


to me, and among them all there is not one who ven- 
tures to repeat to me what he certainly said to others 
a short time ago : people hke my valet are quite innu- 

628. June 2. — With the first sunbeams this morn- 
ing I visited my villa, which has much improved in 
appearance. On the front of the villa I have had these 
words placed : Parva domus, magna quies. The first is 
true enough ; the latter seems to me somewhat false. 

The town empties itself just like a blown egg. The 
good people think that it is summer, because the almanac 
says so. But I stand out to the contrary, and maintain 
it is not true. A great quantity of ice must have come 
down from Newfoundland : that is the only explanation 
of this cold weather. 

529. June 7. — No one is more busy than a block- 
head, because everything is important in his eyes : no 
one is more active, because his activity leads to nothing. 
He soon finds it out, and cannot help himself ; he may 
do what he ^vill, and make the greatest efforts, still he 
succeeds in moving nothing but himself. . . . 

I will stay two days in Baden, where I will take 
some baths, and I am now looking for accommodation. 
I have sold my house in Baden, for I was determined 
not again to cross the threshold of that unhappy dwel- 
lino;, which is clouded with the sad recollections of the 
death of my dear daughter Marie. 

530. July 13. — At last it is no longer cold, I can 
spend the day in my garden. I have had the most 
supremely tiresome people to dinner. Our town is quite 
empty. It is, indeed, never filled with very loveable 
people, but there are times when I feel myself loveable 
in comparison with all who come near me. This com- 
parison happily does not flatter my vanity. My flowers 


are beautiful : this is tlie only impression the day has 
left upon me. I do not remember one single word that 
has been spoken. The newspapers, too, bring me no 
new fine thoughts. The Turks devour the Greeks, and 
the Greeks decapitate the Turks : this is the best news 
that I hear. 

531. July 18. — From St. Petersburg, on the whole, 
I get very good tidings. The Emperor Alexander re- 
mains just the same as on the day of our separation. 
But this alone will bring nothing forward — for that my 
shoulder is needed. As the affair stands, there are three 
contingencies : the immediate outbreak of quarrel, an 
intervention, or locahsation. 

In the first two cases, I am fettered on every side : 
not so in the last. Which of them will prevail. Heaven 
knows. The most improbable is that which the world 
considers the most probable — namely, my first supposi- 
tion. I have despatched five or six couriers, who are 
all very quick in their movements. Nothing less is at 
stake than the life or death of sound common sense. 
And sound common sense will secure that end which I, 
in common with a small minority, hold to be the best, 
while a great number of fools and knaves take it to be 
the bad cause. 

532. July 2o. — My different despatches are ready. 
I feel in the midst of a web, like my friends the spiders, 
whom I love, because I have so often wondered at 

The Emperor Alexander and I took the same views 
of the present affair. But he has changed his place of 
residence, and hence it is uncertain whether he will 
remain true to the point of view which is easy for me, 
but difficult for him, to take. The setting in which a 
man finds himself has immense influence on him ; it re- 


quires great strength of mind to withstand surrounding 
influence, and still greater to break through it. The 
Emperor remains firm, but he stands alone. Some 
wish the contrary of what he wishes, and have pointed 
it out ; others have not the strength to wish anything at 
all. To keep him right, the Emperor must be separated 
from his surrounding. He wills what I will, but those 
about him will the contrary. 

With this feehng, the Emperor Alexander has taken 
the only resolution that could be taken ; he has with- 
drawn from all positive action and thrown himself 
morally upon me. This explains my cobweb. Such 
webs are pretty to look at, cleverly spun, and will bear 
a light touch, but not a gale of wind. 

I have now made my operations morally comj)lete in 
every direction ; but this position of things keeps the 
poor spider at the centre of his fine web. Good for 
the moment, but as for what concerns the future, the 
similar views which subsist between the Emperor and 
myself must have results, or a breath of wind will 
destroy the web. 

633. Bade?i, July 24. — I will take baths here for 
two days, then stay three days in Vienna, and so on. It 
has made me very sad to come here, to the place where 
I lost half my life. Many 2:)eople, who perhaps are 
much better than I am, like to be in a place where 
sad recollections meet them. I, on the contrary, 
would have such places levelled to the ground : they 
should not only be uninhabited, but the last trace 
of them destroyed. I would have them covered with 
thorns and high grass like a wilderness, the only picture 
that has any resemblance to my heart. Just for that 
reason, I love the ashes, and the ancients were quite 
right to love and reverence them. Death is opposed to 


life, the past to the present, what is not to what is. To 
preserve the remains, while the form and substance 
are altered, is a beautiful idea, and the only one which 
suits my way of thinking and feeling. For where there 
is no longer life, man cannot call it back ; what contains 
life should perish with him. 

My wife has contrary views, and is, therefore, in 
despair that I have sold the house — the scene of such 
calamity. She would wilhngly have kept it, if not have 
lived in it. I, on my part, have the comfort of knowing 
that it will shortly be pulled down. In a year or two 
nothing of it will remain. 

534. Vienna, August 11. — From St. Petersburg a 
long letter from the Emperor Alexander to the Emperor 
Francis, and one to myself, have arrived.* His position 
is a difficult one. It is no small thing suddenly to turn 
in a direction entirely opposed to the course of his 
whole life ! My position is far easier, on account of my 
antecedents ; meanwhile it is difficult enough. The Prince 
Eegent has decided to come to Vienna in October. 

535. August 21. — The die is cast. Strangford has 
left Constantinople. It is not, indeed, war, but I am 
caught, as I feared, and cannot think of leaving Vienna, 
because everything rests on my shoulders. It is in- 
admissible for a soldier to leave his post during the 
battle. I shall at once cause the meeting of a new 

* The Emperor Alexander writes to Metternich, July 17, 1821 : — ' The 
union between the three Courts, whose efforts Providence has so completely 
hlessed, can in futui-e only be founded on mutual and unrestricted confidence. 
That trust which your august sovereign has placed in my intentions and 
views will not be deceived, notwithstanding all the diffieulties, more par- 
ticularly inherent to the position of Russia, daily arising from aflairs in the 
East. I have explained myself on this point without reserve to the Emperor 
Francis. lie will, I hope, find in my letter a new proof of the constancy of 
my principles and the extent of my friendship.' — Ed. 


536. August 28. — Eight days ago my mother in- 
vited me to visit her at her villa, which is a mile and a 
half from Vienna. I entered my carriage at eight o'clock 
in the evening. By nine o'clock the report was spread 
that I had posted off to meet the Emperor Alexander ; 
hence it w^as concluded a very grave crisis was to be 
feared : while the same evening, at eleven o'olock, five- 
and-twenty of my intimate friends assembled at my 
house. Another proof that I cannot stir without making 
a sensation. 

537. August 29. — I am now reading Madame de 
Stael's work, ' Les dix annees d^exil; ' it is full of thought, 
very fanciful, but intolerable in style, like all that this 
remarkable woman writes. All the portraits, with the 
exception of Bernadotte's, bear the stamp of truth and 
genius. Fouche's portrait, for instance, is thoroughly 
given in the following sentence : ' FoucM est le seul 
homine qui j)eut veritahlement seconder Bonaparte^ en 
poj'tant, mallieurew-ement pour le monde^ une sorte de 
moderation adroite dans un systhne sans bornes.' 

Of the French she says very justly : ' Les besoins de 
r amour-prop j^e chez les Franqais Vemportent beaucoup sur 
ceux da caractere. U^ie chose bizarre^ cest que les 
Franqais, qui saississent le ridicide avec tant d'esprit, ne 
demandent pas mieux que de se rendre ridicules des que 
leitr vanite y trouve son compte d'une autre rnaniere. II 
est inoui combien il est facile de faire prendre une betise 
pour etendard au peujAe le plus spirituel de la terre ! ' 

How is it that a woman, who says and feels all this 
so truly, never for a moment doubts whether this same 
people is really fit for liberty, fraternity, and equality ? 
Madame de Stael resembles all partisans gifted with 
imagination : she loves a cause, but not its consequences. 
As often as she enters the field of politics or govern- 


inent, or touches on any man's deeds, she is hke a 
person who asserts that there is nothing more whole- 
some than arsenic, and who yet gives in every page of 
her book most clever and exact descriptions of the 
unspeakable suffering which is the consequence of this 
poison, and depicts the agony before the approaching 
death. With sucli a one it is difficult to argue. 

Napoleon has often spoken to me of her. She did, 
indeed, once beg me to obtain for her the permission she 
so specially desired — namely, to perorate in the salons of 
Paris. My head, however, does not seem to be easily 
turned, for I was able to withstand her without difficulty. 

The story of her journey through Vienna in 1812 is 
worth mentioning. Herr Eocca, who accompanied her, 
was cited to appear as a deserter from the French 
army, and threatened with extradition. Madame de 
Stael was displeased because they barely promised her 
that Herr Kocca should not be given up, whereas she 
wished to introduce him in the Vienna salons. The 
man to whom she uttered her complaints (Pohce-Presi- 
dent Hager) was the best of men, but certainly very 
dry. When she begged him to produce Herr Eocca, he 
answered, ' But pray. Madam, are we to go to war 
about Herr Eocca ? ' To which Madame de Stael an- 
swered, ' Why not ? Herr Eocca is my friend, and 
will be my husband.' An example this of how httle 
use mere espiit is in this world. Talleyrand rightly 
says, ' L'esprit sert a tout et ne mhie a rien.'' Celebrity 
was a power to Madame de Stael. The longer I live, 
the more I mistrust this power. 

538. September 3. — I daily receive additional proofs 
that the Emperor Alexander has taken root in my 
school. I understand him, and that is a great thing. 
His position is extremely difficult. What will be the 


consequences ? Friend Wellington says, ' Le diahh 
m'emporte si je le saisJ I say the same ; meanwhile I 
go on as if I were certain of being able to control the 
course of events. The least vain man in the world must 
in certain positions feign a security which, under ordi- 
nary circumstances, would be self-conceit — the most 
ridiculous of all peculiarities. 

Capo d'Istria is in great perplexity. He desires agi- 
tation, but the Emperor does not. 

539. September 15. — Time has so overwhelmed 
me with burdens that they are more numerous than the 
hair on my head. My hair, too, has become quite white, 
at which I am less astonished than at its tenacity in 
not leavino; me altoijether. 

What pleasant things the Greeks have brought upon 
themselves ! No chapter would be long enough to show 
what germs of evil this question conceals. The Eussian 
ambassador in Florence is a horrible man ; he kindles 
the fire with all his might. Happily, his sphere of action 
is less than the space his own comfortable person 
occupies. The poor Emperor Alexander does not know 
what to do with this creature ; but he still retains him. 
The weather is still execrable. Madame de Stael would 
not find it difficult to show that the weather is bad 
because the Enfjlish Constitution is not introduced 
everywhere ; Abbe de Pradt would say it was because 
the colonies are not emancipated ; Sir Eobert Wilson, 
because the Spanish Constitution has not yet made 
the round of Europe ; and, lastly, Professor Thiersch, 
because his Teutonic expedition has not yet entered the 
harbour of Volo. 

540. Septemher 26. — I returned to-night with the 
Emperor from an excursion to see the manoeuvres, and 
found whole volumes of letters from St. Petersburg. 


Anything good ? ISTo ! Anything bad ? No ! Anything 
sensible ! No ! Anything unfriendly ? No ! Clever ? 
No ! Seasonable ? Still, No ! What then — contempt- 
ible? Yes ! 

If I did not know my men, it would be enough to 
drive one mad. 

541. September 26. — There is something pecuhar 
about these miracles of Prince Hohenlohe ; the Pope and 
the Eang of Bavaria have put a stop to his miracle-making. 
When in our days I hear a cause cried up in favour of 
which public clamour raises its voice, I say to myself 
there is nothing in it, or some delusion is at the bottom 
of it. If I hear that a saint makes his appearance with 
his miracles in the salons, I utterly distrust the said 
saint and all his works : for though princesses are not 
exactly the best subjects for a miracle, yet they are 
very good prey for the artist in magic. There is, how- 
ever, a gulf between Saints Hohenlohe and Cagliostro: 
the former appears on the boards at Wurzburg, the 
latter at Paris. Place, however, decides nothing with 
respect to the number of the credulous and the de- 
luded, for these are everywhere as numberless as the 
sand- on the seashore. Jesus Christ had more labour 
for thirty years to bring forward truth than Hohenlohe 
in thirty minutes with his magic. Such is the world. 
There are hardly any persons in the world stronger 
in faith than John Paar and Maurice Dietrichstein (the 
elder). The latter asserts that the blind whom Prince 
Hohenlohe has not healed, reall}^ see, and that it is only 
out of wilfulness that they stumble over the stones at 
every corner ; and if he is attacked on this point, he 
shelters himself with the unanswerable argument, ' But 
I actually saw it ! ' Thus everyone has his own manner 
of beheving or of convincing himself. I beheve in the 


miracles of Jesus Christ, wliicli I have not seen ; Die- 
trichstein beheves in Hohenlohe's miracles, which, he 
says, he has seen. 

542. October 1. — We are here still waiting for the 
decision about the King of England's journey to Vienna. 
Nothing is more uncertain than everything done by his 
British Majesty. He will in any case choose a very bad 
time of year. I do not know how he is to be amused. 
Preparations will be made for some festivities and they 
will succeed thoroughly well, as all such things do in 
Vienna ; but between enacting festivities and giving 
pleasure there is a very wide difference. 



Extracts from Metternich's private Letters from October 25 to 
December 31, 1821. 

543. From Hanover — friendly reception everywhere. 644. From Johaimis- 
berg — soirt^e in Cassel — tedium on the journey. 64.5. From Frankfurt — 
the Metternichs and Capo d'Istria's. 546. A happy hour — a saying of 
Napoleon's — feelmg of isolation — farewell to the year 1821. 

543. Hanover, October 25, 1821. — Since my arrival 
I have led the real Congress life, full of gala days. The 
hours when I am not sitting at the conference-table I 
lose at dinners three or four hours long, or at routs, 
where to be suffocated is the least evil you have to 
go through. The reception accorded me by the King 
was that of a dear friend. I do not remember ever to 
have been embraced with such tenderness, and I never 
in all my life had so many fine things said to me. 
After a perfect flood of praises, in which the King w^as 
so good as to compare me to all the great men of 
antiquity, the middle ages and modern times, I came 
at last to speak of business, and then nothing remained 
for me to desire. I will do great and good things, 
without making any pretension to be a Minos, Themis- 
tocles, Cato, Ca3sar, Gustavus Adolplius, Marlborough, 
Pitt, Wellington, &c., &c. — all which names his Majesty 
called me as if he were saying a Litany of Saints. 

544. Johannisherg , Novemher 4. — I left Hanover 
on the evening of the 31st, and stopped at Cassel on the 
1st to see the Elector. There I found in the evening a 
grand and numerous company, invited by Count Spiegel 


to introduce me to the notabilities of the town. I left 
Cassel at two, went through Wilhelmshohe — one of the 
finest gardens in Europe — to Marburg, where I staid the 
the night. On the 3rd, I entered Frankfurt. To-day 
I could not avoid a great dinner at Viebrich, given in 
my honour by the Duke of Nassau ; and now I have 
been here some hours, and am enchanted to find myself 

Travelling is a terrible affair in my present position . 
I am bored as monarchs are bored by the attentions of 
the Courts which entertain me on my journey ; and I 
am bored as a prophet is, who is constantly asked 
advice by everyone. Since I was so fortunate as to get 
rid of the Carbonari, people think I need only show 
myself to destroy everything that is in anyone's way. 
Every Government is at this time ill, and all from their 
own fault : since my German Conferences they look 
upon me as the chief legislator of Germany, and, since 
1821, as the annihilator of the Eevolutionists. Each 
one begs me to destroy theirs, or at least to give them 
my receipts for doing so. On the other hand, the Ee- 
volutionists (this is the petite piece), all trumpery people, 
present themselves to me, as far as possible to assure 
me of the sincerity of their feelings. It is, for instance, 
quite amusing to see what is now going on in Frank- 
furt, one of the most horrible towns in Germany. From 
the moment people knew that I was coming, they 
altered their looks and language. The first people who 
come to meet me at the hotels are the bitterest Eadi- 
cals, and I do not remember ever to have endured 
rougher marks of respect. To hsten to them one would 
suppose they had only waited for me to change their 

I have with me De Pont and a secretary, Langenau 


and Handel. I shall remain liere till the 5th or 6th, 
and be at Frankfurt on the 7th or 8th, and at Vienna 
on the 14th or 15th. 

646. Franlfurt, November 9. — . . . Here lie the 
most mischievous Jacobins at my feet, all full of excuses 
and protestations. During my journey, I visited no 
less than five Universities : Leipzig, Halle, Gottingen, 
Marburg, and Giessen. In Halle I dined on October 18 
under the same roof with a hundred and fifty students, 
who were celebrating the battle of Leipzig, and I every- 
where received nothing but marks of respect. When I 
was getting into the carriage on leaving Halle, all the 
hundred and fifty students followed me with uncovered 
heads and loud cheers. The whole day I had a crowd 
of men under my windows, and wherever I go, joyful 
cries accompany me. If these people are asked what 
they are there for, they answer : ' We want to see him.' 
It is the Italian business which has gained me this 
kind of notoriety in Germany. Inquisitive people want 
to see what the man looks like who made up his mind 
that the Carbonari were simply a number of ragamuffins, 
and cannot understand how he managed to solve this 
easy problem. The people hereabouts are good but 
childish. ... In Eussia, and in the whole Eussian dip- 
lomacy with foreign countries, there are two parties, 
which are quite openly designated by the names Metter- 
nich and Capo d'lstria. This is not altogether flattering. 
These two parties detest each other, and are in opposition 
to one another, like the Eight and Left sides in France. 
As the Emperor Alexander is a Metternich, the party 
is a respectable one ; the others may be left to their 

... I shall start to-morrow, arrive at Wurzburg 
on the 10th, stay the night of the 11th at NUrnberg, 


on the 12tli at Eegensbiirg, the 13th at Scharding, and 
arrive at Vienna on the 15th. 

646. Vienna, December 31. — A happy hour is not 
only good because it is happy (a thing good in and for 
itself), but also because it strengthens the mind. This 
reminds me of a saying of Napoleon's. During one of 
our long conversations we spoke of the time just past ; 
suddenly he cried, ' Ah I vous ne savez pas quelle puis- 
sance est le bonheur ! Lui seul donne dii courage. Ne 
pas oser, cest ne rien /aire qui vaille, et on n'ose jamais 
qiia la suite du bonheur. Le malheur affaisse et fietrit 
rdme, et des lors on ne fait rien de bon.' . . . 

I now feel as lonely as a dweller in the desert ; 
nothing makes me smile, and nothing occupies me except 
what wearies me. Follies are intolerable to me ; words 
without thought are hateful ; mere good nature is like 
stagnant water : and this is the picture of what people 
here call society. Words, nothing but words ; of all I 
hear nothing is to be preserved — the best thing is to 
forget the sound of them. If then I ask myself when 
there will be a conclusion of all this, and find that 
apparently it will continue till the end of all things, I 
feel a pressure on mind and heart which is difficult to 
describe. Certain it is that the emptiness of men 
increases in proportion to the loftiness of their position. 
If I could lose myself in what makes so many other men 
happy, perhaps my moral position would be different. . . . 
It is striking midnight, and the year 1821 is no 
more ! Three hundred and sixty-five days are gone in 
a second of time. We stand at the entrance to a new 
era like a new-born child. May we hope that fortune 
will favour us, and that the cutting of the teeth — the 
first business the child has to go through — will be 
gone through successfully. 



547. Metternicli to Stadion (Letter), Laybacli, March 10, 1821. 

547. I now reply to two important subjects con- 
tained in your letter ; I ought to have alluded to them 
some time ago, but I was obliged to allow the storm to 
pass over before I could write to you. 

/. Financial part of the Expedition against Naples. 

This question has something of the same character 
as all that concerns this grave enterprise. It touches 
at once on the past, the present, and the future. 

In the financial question the past cannot be regu- 
lated by the present ; it is therefore necessary not to 
be deluded about the future, thus avoiding false calcu- 
lations, as deplorable in finance as in everything else. 
We have incurred, and are incurring, great expenses. 
It may perhaps be necessary still to continue them, but 
nothing is voluntary in these expenses, and they cannot 
appear so to any man endowed with good common 

The first question of all, which must be at once seen 
to be so, is this : shall we, or can we, abandon the revo- 
lution of Naples to itself, to its own remedies (for every 
revolution, as well as every evil, carries in itself its own 
VOL. III. L L . 


punisliment), or must we not ratiier erect a substantial 
barrier against it ? 

The solution of this alternative cannot be doubtful. 
"We can deplore the revolution in Spain, and abandon 
it to itself ; but it is otherwise with the Spanish 
revolution transplanted to the soil of Naples. Its 
triumph in the Italian peninsula would have been much 
more swift than its repression could have been, or than 
the punishment which it must bring upon itself. 

We were therefore obliged to call to our aid con- 
siderable material means. Our finances were heavily 
strained. None of this expenditure was unnecessary ; 
it was, on the contrary, imposed by the first of neces- 
sities — that of existence. 

My duty is to impose as few burdens as possible 
on our finances, and to endeavour at the same time to 
make these expenses, as far as possible, mere advances. 
This is what I aim at, while making a calculation which 
is both financial and political. 

As a financial calculation, I prefer the certain to the 
uncertain, and I never like to flatter myself with the 
impossible. As a pohtical calculation, I have been 
able to examine the real state of affairs at Naples, and 
have endeavoured to avoid any plan for the future 
founded on inevitable evils. 

The Neapolitan revolution has utterly destroyed the 
finances of tlie kino:dom. It has been broucrht about 
in part by the blind fiscal system of M. de' Medici : 
seeing in the State administration only a treasury, he 
taxed the provinces far beyond what he ought to have 
done, and, by overstraining his bow, has broken it. 

The Kincf told me he had seen the accounts which 
were .made up to the time of his departure from Naples, 
and the revolution had not only swallowed up all that 


remained from former financial operations, but it 
actually cost during tlie first six montlis more than 
forty millions of ducats. 

Tlie financial future of Naples necessarily has two 
burdens — the maintenance of the army of occupation, 
and the consolidation of expenses occasioned l)y the 
revolution. It remains to be seen if to tliese two 
burdens we can add a third — namely, the reimbursement 
of expenses incurred by Austria for armaments, &c. 

My conviction has been that by attempting too much 
we run the risk of accomplishing nothing. But, this 
truth demonstrated, I ask if it is not practicable to make 
a good use of what I can only regard as an impossi- 
bility. Our aim must be to repress the revolution, to 
consolidate peace, and not to risk new disturbances. 
On finding that the Emperor entu-ely shared my views, 
the declaration was made in tlie protocol which you 
have for some time possessed. You will have seen from 
this protocol that we sought to turn the financial im- 
possibility into a political bait. We have declared 
loudly that we demand notliing, and we have attached 
a recompense or a punishment for the nation to this 
same nothing, to this veritable non- value ; thus ensuring 
to ourselves the chance of perhaps being able to bring 
in under the name of punishment that which we have 
declined as a recompense. 

I enter into all these details, my dear Count, which 
your able mind and great knowledge of business and of 
the political situation would lead you to see at the 
time, and I beg you not to attach too much importance 
to a payment which I consider much less connected with 
battles and other reahties of war than with financial 
])Ossibilities or impossibilities, which must also be 
strongly influenced b}?^ political considerations to be 

L L 2 


decided by time alone — that is, by tlie preservation of 
peace in the kingdom of Naples. You see I have taken 
care to establish alternatives which will secure to us 
our incontestable rights. It will be wise and prudent 
to take care that they are rightly used. 

//. Future Organisation of the Kingdom of Naples. 

This important question has engrossed my attention 
from the very day I heard of the overthrow of the 
existing order of things at Naples. 1 have thought the 
matter over with extreme care, and I believe I have 
arrived at the best terms. My conscience, at least, is 
easy ; I only hope that events will justify my wishes. 

If you now speak to any of the legislators who are 
to be found at the corner of every street and on every 
bench at the cafes, they reply, without hesitation, 
that the world can no longer do without the represen- 
tative system. My conviction is that it will never do 
with it ; for I do not understand by progress, over- 
turning oneself and everything else, getting up and 
falling down again. 

But we have not taken into consideration for Naples 
this universal recipe, seeing that we could not do abroad 
what we constantly refuse to do at home. It would 
have been hardly prudent, .on the other hand, to patch 
up what has just been destroyed. We have called to 
our aid the principle of a qualified monarchy, thus 
excluding both despotism and the representative 

The King has been very reluctant to acquiesce in 
our "views, but has ended by doing so, and even by 
perceiving that, with a system of organisation worthy 
of the name, he will have a better prospect of peace 
and repo«^p. than by a return to a com2:)lete despotism, 


the dangers of wliicli we have already experienced both 
in Naples and in Sicily. 

I send you herewith the protocol, or rather the 
addition to the protocol, which contains our idea 
exactly as if it were a spontaneous proposition from the 
King. By the next courier I will send you a more 
complete statement of the arrangements I have men- 
tioned. You will see that it describes a constitution 
which, if quite monarchical, is none the less worthy of 
the name, for it is not desirable to apply this term to 
the representative system alone. 

How is the thing going on generally ? I declare 
frankly that I do not know. Nothing is so useless as to 
speculate on happy chances, and nothing is more diffi- 
cult than to prevent unhappy ones. The King has no 
credit in his own country, but he is beloved. The revo- 
lution has been forced to adopt a mild character, which 
is to be deplored, but is an unavoidable consequence of 
our armaments. 

The object of the Neapolitan Liberals, who must not 
be confounded with the Carbonari, has been to arrive at 
a representative system through the intervention of the 
latter. From Madrid they would wish to get to Paris. 
We, who cannot consent to that, have ourselves neither 
one nor the other. 

The whole depends, therefore, upon the blows which 
are struck. If they are decisive, the thing is done ; if 
they are not, it will drag on ; if they fall upon us, the 
world will be turned upside down. Then will happen 
what would have happened if we had done nothing, for 
Italy will go to the devil, and with her France and Ger- 
many, just as they would have done if we had re- 
mained neutral spectators of the revolution at Naples. 

If we are successful, a great example will have been 


given to the world, were it only for the one fact that the 
inviolability of revolutions will have been shown to be a 
thoroughly false claim, although prodigiously convenient 
to the madmen, fools, blockheads, and weaklings who 
advance it. What a frightful hst I place before you 
there, my dear Count I 




548. Metternich to Rechberg (Letter), Laybach, March 25, 1821. 

548. Events succeed each other with such rapidity 
in Italy that we may hope this beautiful portion of 
Europe will not submit to the yoke of the revolutionists, 
notwithstanding the activity of their criminal efforts. If 
they will only run their heads against the energy and 
wisdom of our measures, this last crisis, alarming as it 
was by its terrible symptoms, will turn against those 
who have provoked it, and will rally the numerous body 
of honest men round the legitimate Governments, which 
are, I hope, convinced that, by following a consistent and 
determined course, it is still possible to suppress that 
spirit of faction which threatens society with total sub- 

Thinking that it must be of the greatest importance 
for your Court to be exactly informed of the real situ- 
ation of affairs in Italy, of the dispositions of the two 
Emperors, who are, happily, still together here, and of 
the result of the first measures which they have adopted, 
I do not hesitate to despatch the present courier to your 
Excellency, and send by him a short but exact account 
of our position. 

You will have been informed, sir, of the success of 
General Frimont's army, of the occupation of the pro- 
vince of the Abruzzi, so important in a military point of 


view, of the total disorganisation of General Pepe's army^ 
and of the way in which our troops have been every- 
w^here received by the inhabitants. These first results 
leave us in no doubt as to the success of the enterprise, 
and the news which have since arrived from the head- 
quarters of the army fully justify our hope. Sora, 
defended by General De Concilj, the Quiroga of Naples, 
was carried by our troops after a very feeble resist- 
ance. General Frimont passed the Garigliano with his 
army, and bore towards San Germano, to attack that 
position, which it was said the Neapolitans had rendered 
impregnable. A detachment sent by the general-in- 
chief to reconnoitre found it abandoned. Thus our army 
marches on without being able to meet the enemy, who 
is nowhere to be found ; but our march is so rapid that 
the general still hopes to overtake and defeat them if 
they concentrate their forces. 

Whilst the army was marching on San Germano, 
General Fardella, sent by the Duke of Calabria to the 
King, his father, bearing messages of respect and sub- 
mission, passed by the Velletri route on his way to Rome • 
and Florence. We are still ignorant of the details of 
this mission, which has, however, had no influence on 
the progress and operations of the army. 

These details, which are indubitable, will convince 
your Excellency that the Naples expedition is on the 
point of being terminated, and that a fortnight's cam- 
paign will have sufficed to throw down tliis military 
erection with which they have tried for the last six 
months to alarm the whole of Europe. This result, and 
still more the reception given by the people to our 
army, at least proves that the Neapohtan nation has no 
sympathy with the revolution, which has precipitated 
that once happy country into an abyss of misfortune, 


and that this revohition is entirely the work of certain 
criminal sects, and of a few ambitious military men. 

If the insurrection of Piedmont was at first of a more 
alarming character, and at the time it broke out made 
us fear a powerful and dangerous diversion in favour of 
the revolutionary cause, the progress of events in that 
country during the last eight days permits us to hope 
now that the danger will be more readily exorcised than 
we had dared to flatter ourselves. The plan of the 
conspirators — which was to induce the King to proclaim 
a constitution, and to declare himself for the Neapolitan 
cause against Austria^ — has been defeated by the abdir 
cation of the King. The Prince de Carignan,* who, 
owing to the circumstance that the Duke de Gene vols f 
was absent, was appointed to the Regency of the king- 
dom, very soon experienced all the awkwardness of the 
situation. Forced to promise and swear the Constitu- 
tion of the Cortes, and to create a provisional revolu- 
tionary junta (which had not entered into his j^lans, nor 
into those of any of the ambitious officers about him), 
this Prince wrote to the Duke de Genevois, entreating 
him to return and take the reins of government, which 
had devolved upon him by the abdication of the King. 
The Duke de Genevois, who was then at Modena, not 
only refused to listen to the entreaties of the Prince de 
Carignan, but replied to them by an energetic pro- 
clamation. He wrote at the same time to the two Em- 
perors to beg their advice and their support. The reply 
of the two august sovereigns was what it ought to be 
under the circumstances — cautious, wise, noble, and in 
every way suited to the principles they profess. They 
decided at the same time to send a courier to their 

* Afterwards King Charles Albert. — Ed. 

t Ascended the thi-one under the title of Charles Felix. — Ed. 


Ministers at Turin, witli orders to present himself to 
the Prince de Carignan, and give him a picture of 
the woes which would soon overtake the country over 
which he was one day to reign, and begging him seriously 
to consider his own situation, appealing to his feelings 
and his duty as the first Prince of the Blood to in- 
duce him to play, on this important occasion, the only 
becoming part — that of making the soldiers who had 
been led away by the factious return to their duty, thus 
restoring tranquillity to his country. These counsels 
were accompanied by the warning that the two Em- 
perors would never recognise the revolution. We are 
still ignorant of the result of this step, but we know by 
the news which we receive daily from Milan that the 
progress of the revolution is very uncertain, that the 
perplexities of the Prince de Carignan are increasing, 
that Alessandria has become the rallying point of tlie 
revolutionists in the anarchical sense of the word, that 
Genoa and No vara still hold out for the King, that many 
regiments are faithful, tliat others have dispersed and 
returned to their homes, that the mass of the people are 
quiet and passive, that the King is generally regretted, 
and that there is no national movement in the country. 
WaitintT tlie issue of this crisis, the Count de Bubna, 
Commandant-General of Lombardy, is preparing to 
overawe the factious ; and, besides the garrisons of the 
strong places, he has an army already more than suffi- 
cient to defend our Italian provinces, and which in- 
creases daily. Milan enjoys the most perfect tran- 
quillity, and public opinion expresses itself in the most 
satisfactory manner in favour of the Government. 

A new event which must at this time of general 
commotion powerfully contribute to agitate men's minds 
is the insurrection of the Greeks in the Ottoman Empire. 


The Emperor Alexander received all the particulars by 
a courier who arrived here on the 19th, and they have 
been confirmed by our agents. 

Prince Ypsilanti, major-general in the Eussian ser- 
vice, has put himself at the head of this insurrection, 
and Prince Soutzo, Hospodar of Moldavia, has declared 
for it, confessing himself that it is the work of a secret 
society, which has been preparing the materials for two 
years. This society is the same as that of the Carbonari, 
and we have for some time warned the Ottoman Govern- 
ment of it, but they attached no importance to its 

In this fresh emergency, the Emperor Alexander has 
given proof of his noble and loyal character ; his views 
and principles entirely agree with those of the Emperor 
my august master. In a council which was held in the 
presence of their Majesties, it was decided ' that the 
event should be left to itself.' The Emperor Alexander 
cashiers and removes from his army all the military 
Greeks who take part in the insurrection ; and refuses 
all support and help to the Greek insurgents. 

The two monarchs have simultaneously declared at 
Constantinople that, faithful to the principles which 
they have publicly announced, they will never support 
the enemies of public order ; that they will never lend 
any help to the Greek insurgents ; that, on the other 
hand, they leave to the Porte itself the task of watching 
over its own safety. As it has remained up to this 
time estranged from all the affairs of Europe, we do not 
feel called upon to interfere in its affairs. 

These determinations of the sovereigns will imme- 
diately be made public. In the meantime I pray your 
Excellency to lay them, as well as the contents of the 
present despatch, before the King, hoping his Majesty 


will see in them good cause for tranquillity. In this 
hope I send the courier who will have the honour to 
place it in your hands. 

Metternich to Stadion, Laybach, March 26, 1821. 

649. The Naples affair is at an end. I hope to be 
able to send a courier to Vienna in two or three days, 
to have the Te Deum sung and a hundred and one guns 

The revolt in Piedmont fares badly for a revolu- 
tion. I will send to Vienna to-morrow unequivocal 
proofs that its principal champion, the Prince de Carig- 
nan, does nothing but weep. The country does not 
wish to rise, and all that is required now, in order to 
put down the small number of the lower orders who 
are in favour of it, is a decisive stroke on the part of 
one or other of the general officers, devoted to the King, 
who have put themselves en rapport with the Duke de 
Genevois. In revolutionary crises, however, one can 
never found anything on data, often put forth one day 
and contradicted the next. I therefore confine myself 
to facts on which positive calculations may be founded. 

If order is restored in Piedmont it will be by its 
own efforts, and that will be an immense gain. If it 
does not return to duty of itself, it must fall into anarchy, 
and it is not in a state to dream of a military aggres- 
sion on our provinces. With the exception of the 
army, which has remained faithful to the King, and 
which is at Genoa and Novara, the rest is disbanded, 
and the revolutionists cannot reassemble eight thousand 
men capable of marching. They recruit legions, but 
they are composed of students and bandits. Bubna is 
in great force. He could at the present moment dis- 
pose of ten thousand men of Frimont's army ; but he 


will not concentrate them till we are firmly established 
at Naples. 

There are two contingencies ; either the Eussian 
army is useless, or it is necessary. In the first case, it 
will turn back immediately, and perhaps will not even 
cross the frontier, if in a few days we hear that Pied- 
mont has worked its own cure. If the revolution spreads 
over the whole of Italy, the Kussians will do no harm, 
and the very news of the possibility of their arrival 
wiU prevent mere amateurs from rising. 

We risk nothing by'declaring war on Piedmont, for 
it declared war upon us by making a revolution. The 
Junta of Alessandria has formally declared war against 
Austria, and the revolution at Turin had no other means 
of doing so than by announcing that it would make a 
conquest of Milan. .  . 

For the rest, this revolution is nothing but a sudden 
blow on the part of some hot-headed men, supported 
by the Committee of Paris with the intention of helping 
Naples. But the inconceivable cowardice of the Nea- 
politans, and the masterly and prompt operations of 
our army, have defeated this plan. The only way in 
which they could keep the party together at Turin was 
by publicly asserting that all our bulletins were false, 
and that the Neapolitans were driving us towards 
the Po. 

As for the Greek revolution — let it alone. I answer 
for it that the Emperor Alexander has as little to do 
with that now as with the revolution in Piedmont. You 
may have some difficulty in believing this, but it is none 
the less true, and I will send you proofs by to-morrow's 
courier. This affair must be looked upon as placed 
beyond the pale of civiHsation ; it wiU end, I believe, 
badly for the Greeks, who depended on a support which 


failed them the very day they took up arms. It is the 
same with the Neapohtans, who beheved that Eussia 
would be, if not for them, at least against us. You see 
the advantage of a good reputation in politics. 

The question is at present occupying the undivided 
attention of France. The Government does not support, 
and never will support, the Piedmontese. The factious 
may do so ; but they will not be able to accomplish 
much, unless indeed they overthrow the King and the 
Charter. If this should take place — that is to say, if 
France returns to 1793 — then *we shall certainly do 
nothing but come home and consider how to save our- 
selves. Any retrograde movement in Italy in the pre- 
sent position of affairs, would be to make a revolution 
ourselves in the whole of the Peninsula ; and how long 
could we keep our Italian provinces in such a con 
tincrencv ? 

' The world is on the eve of salvation or on the 
brink of ruin. It looks, however, as if the dawn of a 
better day were beginning to break. The success of the 
Naples affair may bring a period of repose. It will have 
cost much, but I have the conviction now, as I have 
had all along, that if we had acted differently, we 
should have been smothered in our beds. 

What gives me great pleasure is the perfect way in 
which all our people have behaved in Italy. The armies 
of Bubna and Strassoldo deserve the fairest pages in our 

Metternich to Rechherg [Letter), Lay bach, March 31, 1821. 

550. I send you, my dear Count, the last bulletin 
from the army at Naples. 

A campaign of thirteen days has sufficed to show 
plainly the baseness of the Neapolitan Revolution. A 


great work of iniquity was scattered like dust as soon 
as the first attack was made ; and as for the embel- 
lishments of patriotism, where is that national enthu- 
siasm? Where are those patriotic phalanxes? Where 
the hatred to a return to order ? Are the Neapohtans 
to be the interpreters of their own thoughts, or have 
the scoundrels in Parliament truly expressed them ? 

Heaven seems to Avill that the world should not be 
lost, and has protected our great enterprise. Wise men 
have followed it with their good wishes ; enlightened 
Governments have done the same. We asked no more 
from them. The particulars in our possession prove to 
the most bhnd that, in spite of what is said on the spot, 
even by the wisest and most sober-minded men, yet the 
revolution was begun quite independently of the people 
themselves. It is the same everywhere. It is there- 
fore necessary to protect the people against the attacks 
of their fanatical enemies — their only enemies, those 
who deceive the people by directing all their venom 
against the Governments. 

We shall finish the Piedmontese affair as we did the 
Neapolitan. Another French Eevolution only could in- 
terpose grave — perhaps insurmountable — obstacles to 
this. second enterprise. 

All the venom is at present on the surface. The 
cure will be so much the more radical ; and what we 
began together in July 1819, can be finished with the 
help of God and for the salvation of the world in 1821. 
It is therefore from Carlsbad that the era of salvation 
must be dated. 



551. Metternich to Stadion (Letter), Laybach, April 21 and 22, 1821. 

551. Baron StUrmer will have told you, my dear 
Count, of the reasons for detaming the Eussian army on 
the frontiers. The orders are issued, and you will not 
see a Eussian soldier. If I had not been able to make 
them retire even as we made them advance, do you 
think we should have had them put in motion ? 

I received by yesterday's courier your letter of 
April 17. I tell you frankly, my dear Count, that it 
has given me pain. If you, knowing the principles 
which have directed our steps for years, knowing every 
shade of our conduct for the last nine months, knowing 
the dangers to which all society is exposed in a time of 
folly — if you, my dear Count, can reproach me with a 
Eussian invasion, what means of safety remains to the 
world ? I confess that if it were in my nature to be 
disheartened, I should say to myself: How people seek 
to conjure up the perils which threaten us ! 

Success, doubtless quite unexpected by the knaves, 
has crowned our efforts. This success does not astonish 
me, for the simple reason that I knew both the means 
of attack and the means of defence. The Piedmontese 
affair has not cast me down, for the equally simple 
reason that it had entered into my calculations as a 
thing not only possible, but even probable. 

The proof that such was the case is found in the 
continual reinforcements which I was the first to beg 


the Emperor to send into tlie Italian provinces, and in 
the threat of the arrival of the Eussian armies, contained 
in our declaration against Naples. It was not alone to 
bring this country to reason that we had need of more 
than a hundred thousand men, and the assured prospect 
of foreign support. I knew for certain the eflbrts 
made by the faction on every side. 

Now, from that moment it became necessary either 
to do nothing and live on from day to day. or to take 
steps in the right direction ; and I do not beheve anyone 
could do that without means proportioned to the diffi- 
culties. Among these means I placed first the Austrian 
forces, which were able alone to complete the certain 
task, and to avert possibilities ; I had also to think of 
destroying Eussian Liberalism, and proving to Europe 
that henceforth the Eadicals will have to deal with the 
two Powers possessing most freedom of action. 

The results now show whether my calculations were 
false. Facts alone sj)eak in 1821. All the promises, 
all the speeches of the Emperor of Eussia would have 
been valueless ; but his setting in motion some hundred 
thousand men, their effective march, the expenditure on 
them of ten millions — these are facts. The command to 
halt is another fact not less important ; and a hundred 
and twenty thousand men placed in the Eussian pro- 
vinces nearest to our frontiers, with orders to march at 
the first request of Austria, is certainly a third fact 
which will prevent these disturbers from counting so 
readily on the Emperor Alexander in future. 

The conduct of Bubna is beyond all praise. In 
order to be advantageous and useful, it was necessary 
that he should have troops at his disposal, and above 
all that he should have unlimited freedom of action. 
You, who know as well as I do, and perhaps better, the 


way tilings are generally managed, will see that the 
Emperor has done a good and graceful thing, by giving 
the commander of the province the power of simply 
consulting himself and the circumstances of the moment, 
so as to act unhesitatingly according to his own con- 
victions and experience. 

Immense good ensues from this ; there is now just a 
possibility of our surviving. We must not deceive 
ourselves ; we are not a single step beyond the possi- 
bility. With judgment, with a calm and firm step, 
with great rectitude and agreement of thought and 
action, good may yet be done in Europe. But the 
evil has arrived at a prodigious height. Public opinion 
is absolutely diseased, and since a single fact is sufficient 
to prove this, I will mention the state of our own 
capital. Be sure that at Vienna, as at Paris, Berhn, 
London, as in the whole of Germany and Italy, in 
Eussia as well as America, our triumphs are rated as 
so many crimes, our conceptions as so many errors, 
and our views as criminal folhes. 

I possess some courage ; I think I have shown a 
great deal in the course of the last nine months, for it 
was certainly required in order to take upon myself 
what I have done, and that with a full knowledsfe of 
the state of things as well as the responsibility ; but 
there is nothing of illusion in me. I know how to 
appreciate all the good which has been accomplished ; 
the gain is immense, because it has brought to light 
a number of truths ; a phantasmagoria such as the 
world has perhaps never seen has been destroyed ; 
the spell is broken. Yet everything remains to be 
done. It is we who will occupy the strongholds of 
Novara and Alessandria. 

The Emperor Alexander is averse to do tliis, and 


his reasons are weighty. I will tell you the particulars 
by word of mouth ; our pubhc will charge me anew 
wdth folly or stupidity for being annoyed that we have 
to take upon ourselves this ungrateful task, which in 
its eyes will be a monument of glory ! The public 
knows not what it says, for it is ignorant of the true 
state of the affair. The finances will profit, for the 
garrisons beyond the Ticino will be at the expense of 
the Sardinians, although they can reckon on as many 
forces in Lombardy which must remain to us. No 
matter ; the thing is a positive evil, and it will require 
a great deal of skill to prevent its turning into an active 
evil for the whole of Europe. 

I suppose the Emperor will return to Vienna about 
the middle of May. We are still detained here by the 
arrangements which have to be made with the two 
Kings of Sardinia. 

The King who has abdicated must be replaced on 
the throne. This affair must be promptly decided, or 
Piedmont will once more be ruined ; we gain by the 
distance more than five days, and five days are much in 
revolutionary times. 

Vincent and Pozzo will arrive here immediately ; 
we shall send them on to Paris, for that country must 
not be abandoned to the folly of its Government, which 
is as feeble as it is badly disj^osed. 

Now I have made a real profession of faith. I do 
not wish, my dear Count, that you should regard differ- 
ently from myself a situation which must decide the 
fife or death of the monarchy. 

For the rest, I am much fatigued with my labours, 
and I am at present in the condition of a general who 
feels the need of repose just when the public are waking 
up to judge of his operations. 

M M 2 


April 22. — The courier was just starting, -when I 
received your letter of April 18. I must reply to you 
in a few words, my dear Count, for to go thoroughly 
into the subject will require some hours of conversation, 
and certainly I could not employ them more usefully. 

The result of our conversation, which will simply 
be an examination of the present situation, as I know it 
and as it can only be known here — for it is a moral 
and material imj^ossibility that, away from here, nay, 
even beyond a circle of four or five persons, it can 
be known or even comprehended — the result I say, 
will make you judge of the position quite differently 
from what is possible to you at present. 

I will content myself with placing before you the 
following truths : — 

1st. There has never been a question of stationing 
a single Eussian soldier in the Austrian monarchy. 

2nd. Eussia does not lead us ; it is we who lead the 
Emperor Alexander, for many very evident reasons. 
He requires to be advised, now he has lost all his 
advisers. He looks upon Capo dTstria as a leader of the 
Carbonari. He mistrusts his army, his ministers, his 
nobility, his people. In such a situation no one can lead. 

8rd. France and England, far from being on good 
terms, completely distrust each other. England is 
entirely with us. Do not judge of England by what 
Lord Stewart told you ; all he said is untrue. He 
would have you indignantly oppose the march of a 
Eugsian army into Piedmont ; well, his Cabinet demands 
it w^ith might and main, for it judges rightly, and fore- 
sees the incalculable complications which must arise 
between Austria and France in the event of an Austrian 

France is at the head of all the revolutionary move- 


merits in Europe, and it would be difficult to say whicli 
does most harm and most encourages intrigues, the 
Government or the Jacobins. They both wish Europe 
to be revolutionised. The ministry aim at the intro- 
duction of the French Charter in all States of the second 
order, hoping thereby to consolidate themselves. The 
Liberals wish for the anarchical Constitution of 1791, so 
as to overthrow the dynasty in France. Thus the Pied- 
montese revolution has been the result of all kinds of 
efforts on the part of the Cabinet and the French 

4th. Piedmont could not exist for three months 
without a foreign army. The revolution is nowhere 
more threatening than in the wdiole of Italy. An im- 
portant blow has been struck ; some dozens of its chiefs 
have fled. But the revolution is still there, ready to 
break out afresh, and, without very firm and prudent 
conduct, we shall see next autumn a renewal of the 
scenes we have just come through. We do not beheve 
the whole thing is over, but only that there has been 
a great defeat ; the difference is immense. 

Do you know the true, the only reason why the 
Emperor Alexander objects to an army, even of ten 
thousand men, being stationed beyond his frontiers ? 
Because he is convinced that this body would pass over 
to the enemy. So much have the liberal efforts of the 
good people who surround this Prince Hberalised the 
whole army. With such a feehng a man could scarcely 
be a conqueror. 

All that I now tell you is true, thoroughly true. 
Any calculation otherwise founded is erroneous. I will 
answer for all the facts, and the future will perhaps but 
too well justify the exactness of my information and 
my calculations. 


What is the right thing to do when walking in the 
midst of darkness and confusion ? To Hght a torch and 
walk steadily and firmly by its Hght. Do not trust any 
other hghts ; they are placed expressly for your de- 
struction, or displayed by incendiaries who try to per- 
suade you that they are only fireworks. 

A few hours of conversation would tell you more 
than twenty pages in writing. The only thing I ask 
of you in the meantime is to weigh the facts already 
pointed out: and our material successes are facts. I do 
not speak at present of moral successes : these have yet 
to be waited for, and they are much more difiicult to 
attain than material success. 



652. Metternicli to the Emperor Alexander, Layhacli, May C, 1821. 

552. Before the separation of the monarchs and 
their Cabinets, may I be permitted to place in the hands 
of your Imperial Majesty one word of gratitude and 
homage ? Of gratitude, Sire, for you deserve it, not on 
my part, nor on that of Austria, but from society at 

You must do me the justice to admit that I dis- 
cerned long ago the evil which has been lately un- 
masked with such awful intensity. You must also 
remember. Sire, that, although I knew the evil, I did not 
despair of the remedy. This remedy has begun to take 
effect ; it is the intimate moral union between your 
Imperial Majesty and your august allies, each being 
free in his actions. The merit. Sire, belongs to you : 
for your situation was the most free, and certainly not 
so near to the danger as that of the other monarchs. 
Your Imperial Majesty has done an immense good ; 
your conscience must tell you so ; and that is the only 
recompense which a good man earnestly seeks after : it 

* The monarchs assembled at Laybach were the Emperors of Austria and 
Russia and the King of Naples ; the diplomatists — for Austria, Metternich, 
Vincent, and Gentz ; for Russia, Nesselrode, Capo d'Istria, Pozzo di Borgo ; 
and for Prussia, Ilardenherg and Bernstortt'; for France, De la Ferronays, 
Caraman, and Blacas ; and for England, Lords Cknwilliam and Stewart, 
and Sir Robert Gordon. After the decision of the three northern Powers 
in favour of armed intervention in Naples, the English and French ambas- 
sadors took no fui'ther part in the Conferences. — Ed. 


is the only one which can reach the man placed by 
providence above other men. 

There is but one act of homage which I consider 
worthy of your Imperial Majesty. Placed as I am 
between the Emperor, my master, and your Imperial 
Majesty, grave duties rest upon me. Tlie first is perhaps 
the most difficult — that of seeking and finding the truth. 
The day when I lose confidence in my own calculations 
I shall regard myself as guilty in the eyes of my master 
and those of your Imperial Majesty. My homage. Sire, 
must simply be to tell you all my thoughts. 

Society would have been irretrievably lost but for 
the measures which have been taken durina; the last 
few months. These measures could not have arrested 
its fall unless they had rested on the most correct prin- 
ciples. Such being the case, the dawn of a better future 
begins to appear : the day will succeed if we continue 
to walk on in the path in which we have placed our- 
selves. One single false principle, and the night will be 
upon us, and chaos will succeed that night. 

There are two means of enablinof us to continue in 
this path : — Eeciprocal and unrestrained confidence, and 
a frank understanding of the princij)les on which our 
conduct must be grounded. 

This confidence, Sire, is what the mind has most 
difficulty in seizing. It has been, and would for ever 
have been, an insurmountable difficulty, if Providence 
had not created two sovereigns such as your Imperial 
Majesty and the Emperor Francis. You know each 
other perfectly, and this is ever necessary to a good 

To establish for the future that perfect agreement of 
conduct so decisive for the fate of Europe, it is necessary 
to lay the foundation as simply as possible on clear, 



precise principles, and to secure their application by 
reciprocal engagements no less clear and precise. A 
great distance sej)arates us, and this inconvenience we 
must remedy. 

I will now state the principles, and point out the 
eno;ao:ements to be made. 

I. Pkinciples. 

It is demonstrated that a vast and dann;erous con- 
spiracy has since 1814 acquired sufficient strength and 
means of action to enable it to seize upon a number of 
places in the public administration. This conspu'acy 
was less evident to the eyes of the world as long as it 
did not court discovery, and contented itself with the 
domain of theory. In that domain nothing is surprising : 
discussions, pretensions, contradictions belong to it by 
full right. From the day that I saw sound doctrines 
attacked with impunity, and observed that they ran the 
risk of being suppressed altogether, I recognised revo- 
lution, with its inevitable consequences, disorder, an- 
archy, and death, where others saw only light fighting 
with prejudice. Up to that time the conspiracy had 
only reconnoitred its ground and prepared it. It has 
grown, and it must grow, thanks to the instruments 
which a too deplorable folly has allowed it to create for 

It has not been slow in descending from the intel- 
lectual sphere into that of material facts. One word 
was sufficient to gain public favour. That word was 
Constitution, of all words the least precise, the most 
open to variety of interpretation, and the easiest to 
make popular, for it acts on the mass of the people 
through their hopes. Tell men that by means of a 
single word you will ensure them their rights, a liberty 



whicli the mass always confound with hcence, a career 
for their ambition, and success in all their enterjDrises, 
and you will have no trouble in making them hsten to 
you. The mass once agitated, they give up everything : 
they hsten, but do not care to comprehend. When 
the people do really comprehend, they are the first to 
re-estabhsh order. 

This ground taken, as the last resource, authority 
has been attacked. The factious have had recourse to 
arms ; triumph seemed to them quite certain. 

The clear and precise aim of the factious is one and 
uniform. It is the overthrow of everything legally 
existing. The ambitious and successful are always 
impatient and ardent in their demands. Every day in 
a revolution is equivalent to the career of a man. The 
day past is nothing, the present day is everything, and 
that will be nothing to-morrow. Influence, place, for- 
tune, all that human passions most covet, are suspended 
and attached to the tree of hberty like prizes on the 
pole at a fair. The people do not want urging to flock 
to it in crowds. Go to the fair they must, and to get 
there everything must be overturned. 

The principle wdiich the monarchs must oppose to 
this plan of universal destruction is the preservation of 
everything legally existing. The only way to arrive at 
this end is by allowing no innovations. 

Your Imperial Majesty knows me well enough to 
be assured that no person is farther removed than I 
am from any narrow views of administration. It is 
sim^^ly the attainment of real good that I desire, and 
on every occasion consider my duty to maintain. But 
the more positive I am of this the more I am convinced 
that it is impossible at the same time to preserve and 
to reform with any justice or reason when the mass of 


the people is in agitation ; it is then like an individual 
in a state of irritation, threatened with fever, or already- 
yielding to its ravages. 

Let the Governments govern, and authority be some- 
thing more than a name, for it is nothing without 

By ruling, it really ameliorates the situation, but let 
authority remove nothing from the foundations on which 
it rests ; let it act, but not concede. It should exercise 
its rights, but not discuss them. It should be just (and 
to be so it must be strong), and should respect all rights 
as it would have its own respected. 

In one word, Sire, let us be conservative ; let us walk 
steadily and firmly on well-known paths ; let us not 
deviate from those lines in word or deed : we shall thus 
be strong, and shall come at last to a time when im- 
provements may be made with as much chance of suc- 
cess as there is now certainty of failure. 

II. Means. 

The monarchs should be furnished with such proofs 
of mutual confidence, and unity of principle and will, 
that they may have (to effect the good they desire) 
nothing to do but to maintain this attitude. 

This state of things is less easy of attainment when 
the Courts are situated at great distances ; therefore, I 
am most anxious. Sire, to make certain of the means. 

With this object, it is necessary that before the se- 
paration takes place, your Imperial Majesty should come 
to an understanding with the Emperor Francis on the 
following subjects : — 

1st. The transactions of Laybach should be re- 
garded by the two Courts as an unchangeable basis 
until the meeting of the Cabinets in 1822 • 


The ambassadors sent from tliese two Courts to the 
other Courts of Europe should receive instructions to 
regulate their conduct, on every occasion, with the 
greatest care, according to the principle I have just laid 
down. The factious and feeble, encouraged by the false 
pohcy of many of the Cabinets, will combine to disturb 
this union between the two monarchs. What they 
cannot succeed in destroying, they will try to injure in 
pubhc opinion. The strongest and most persistent 
efforts of the abettors of the existing evil will be naturally 
directed against the most powerful barrier which could 
be opposed to it. All this is simple and natural, and 
consequently certain. Energetic and precise instruc- 
tions should be given to the representatives of the two 
Courts, requiring them to support each other on every 
occasion in all explanations respecting the transactions 
at Laybach and their consequences. 

2nd. In a time of continual agitation cases may pre- 
sent themselves which it is impossible to define before- 

The two monarchs must agree among themselves : — 

To judge any fortuitous case according to the prin- 
ciples which were applied at Laybach in similar cases ; 

Not to hesitate to place themselves in an attitude 
agreeable to these principles ; 

Finally, to put off any explanation with other Courts 
until after an exchange of communications, which the 
two monarchs must immediately open, rather than run 
the risk of differing in their ex^^lanations or their 

The geographical position of Austria should make 
your Imperial Majesty attach a particular vahie to this 
engagement on our part. 

ord. An affair of very grave importance, the revolt 


of the Greeks, requires the most perfect understancling 
between the two monarchs. Your Imperial Majesty's 
opinion on the matter I know, and I have taken the 
liberty of devoting to that subject a short separate 
paper. I shall have the honour of sending it to your Ma- 
jesty, but it will contain your Imperial Majesty's own 

4th. The most absolute uniformity of judgment on 
the dangers and exigences of the moment, exists be- 
tween your Imperial Majesty and your august ally, and, 
allow me to add, myself. 

This addition. Sire, is not pretension. I would not 
allow myself to make it if I did not believe it to be 
really useful. It is proved that the factious of all 
countries and of all shades have established a centre of 
information and action. Chance, too, has its limits ; 
therefore it was not chance that we have been so suc- 
cessful in the columotions and catastrophes of the last 
twelve months. t 

To this centre of information another must be op- 
posed. Not so with action. Conspiracies alone depend 
on a single centre of action : the cause which we defend. 
Sire, the cause of God and man, must be assisted at 
every possible point. Our measures are all matured, and 
to be put in motion it is only necessary to folloAv a line 
of principles agreed upon. Legitimate power does not 
run the same chances *of defeat as revolutionary action. 

My wishes, therefore, are confined to the establish- 
ment of a centre of information, and for this Vienna 
offers every advantage. It is central, and our means of 
observation in Germany and Italy are numerous. 

Your Imperial Majesty deigns to give me a certain 
amount of confidence. Assist me to justify that con- 
fidence by the triumph of a cause which is yours as 


mucli as ours, and in which the whole civihsed world 
will one day proclaim its interest. 

If, Sire, yon can find a thoroughly trustworthy man, 
place him at Vienna, and accredit him to me. Give 
him all the data which your Imperial Majesty can collect 
concerning the movements of the factious in the various 
countries of Europe. That man would know all that 
we know. The consequence will be a focus of light 
such as does not exist at present. We shall obtain 
results which perhaps we do not expect. We shall 
know the truth and not be led away by appearances, 
and in the end we shall bafile our opponents. 

Such, Sire, are the moral and material measures 
which I propose to j^ou. They are drawn up with the 
conviction that, without steady observation and con- 
tinued action, we shall never do the good which is our 
duty ; any divergence from our path will have an 
influence for evil, like a false movement in the day of 
battle : it is only by learning all we can that we can 
hope to beat the enemy ; and, in short, to attain this end, 
the most glorious the mind of man can conceive, it is 
absolutely necessary to unite our efforts and make 
common cause. 

MetternicKs Circular Desjiatch to the Austrian Ambas- 
sadors at Foreign Courts, Layhach, May 12, 1821. 

553. The meeting of the allied monarchs and their 
Cabinets at Troppau was held to determine the point 
of view from which they w^ould regard the unhappy 
events Avhich had overthrown the lejiitimate Govern- 
ment at Naples ; to arrange a common line of conduct ; 
and in a spirit of justice and moderation to contrive 
measures calculated to secure Italy from a general over- 
throw, and the neighbouring States from most imminent 


dangers. Thanks to the happy agreement of views and 
feeUngs which reigned among the three august sovereigns, 
this first task was soon accompHshed. 

Principles clearly announced and embraced on both 
sides with all the sincerity of conviction could not fail 
to lead to analogous resolutions ; and the bases estab- 
hshed at the time of the first conferences have been 
invariably followed during the whole course of a meet- 
ing signalised by the most remarkable results. 

Transferred to Lavbach, this meetino; took a more 
decided character, owing to the presence and concur- 
rence of the King of the Two Sicilies, and the unanimity 
with which the princes of Italy acceded to the system 
adopted by the allied Cabinets. The monarchs were 
convinced that the Governments most immediately in- 
terested in the destinies of the Peninsula would do justice 
to the purity of their intentions, and that a sovereign 
placed in a most painful situation by acts of perfidy 
and violence associated with his name would resign 
himself with perfect confidence to measures which would 
both put an end to that state of moral captivity and 
restore to his faithful subjects the repose and well-being 
of which criminal factions had deprived them. 

The effect of these measures was not long in mani- 
festing itself. The edifice raised by revolt, as fragile in 
its construction as corrupt in its foundations, resting 
only on the cunning of some and the sudden blindness 
of others, disowned by the great majority of the nation, 
odious even to the army formed to defend it, has given 
way at the first contact with the regular forces. Legi- 
timate power is re-established ; the factions are dis- 
persed ; the Neapolitan people are delivered from the 
tyranny of those audacious impostors who, flattering 
their dreams of false liberty, practised upon them the 


most cruel vexations, imposed enormous sacrifices solely 
for the satisfaction of their own ambition and greed, 
and went far to irretrievably ruin a country of which 
they never ceased calling themselves the regenerators. 

This important restoration is consummated by the 
counsels and efforts of the allied Powers. Now that 
the KincT of the Two Sicilies is asrain invested with his 
full ric^hts, the monarchs content themselves with 
seconding by their most ardent wishes the measures 
adopted by this sovereign for the reconstruction of his 
Government, and the securing, by good laws and wise 
institutions, the real interests of his subjects and the 
constant prosperity of his kingdom. 

During the course of these great transactions, we 
have seen burst forth here and there the effects of the 
vast conspiracy, so long directed against the Powers 
which have enjoyed happiness and glory for hundreds 
of years. The existence of this conspiracy was not 
unknown to the monarchs ; but in the midst of the 
agitations which Italy has endured since the catastrophes 
of the year 1820, and the attendant confusion, it has 
developed with increasing rajDidity, and its true character 
has come to light. It is not, as one might have be- 
lieved at a less advanced period, against such and such 
form of government particularly exposed to their abuse 
that the dark enterprises of tlie authors of these })lots 
and the foolish wishes of their blind partisans are 
directed. The States which have admitted changes in 
their pohtical regime are not more protected from tlieir 
attacks than those whose ancient institutions have with- 
stood the storms of time. Pure monarcliies, hmited 
monarchies, federative constitutions, republics, all are 
confounded and proscribed by a sect which treats 
oligarchy as something raised above the level of a 


chimerical equality. The chiefs of this impious league, 
indifferent to every kind of stable and permanent 
organisation, aim solely at the fundamental bases of 
society. To overthrow what exists, and substitute 
whatever chance suggests to their disordered imagina- 
tions or their sinister passions — this is the essence of 
their doctrine, and the secret of all their machinations ! 

The allied sovereigns cannot forget that they have 
but one barrier to oppose to this devastating torrent — 
namely, the preservation of all that is legally established. 
This has been the invariable principle of their policy, the 
starting-point and the end of all their resolutions. They 
have been stopped by the vain clamours of ignorance 
or malice, accusing them of condemning humanity to a 
state of stagnation and torpor incompatible with the 
natural and progressive course of civilisation, and with 
the improvement of social institutions. These monarchs 
have never manifested the least disposition to oppose 
genuine ameliorations, or the reform of abuses which 
creep into the best Governments. Very different views 
have animated them ; and if the repose which the 
Governments and people had the right to beheve had 
been secured to them by the pacification of Europe 
has not brought about all the good which should have 
followed, it is because the Governments have been 
obliged to concentrate their thoughts on the means of 
effectually stemming the progress of a faction which, 
spreading error, discontent, and the fanaticism of inno- 
vation, would soon have endangered the existence of all 
public order. Useful or necessary changes in the 
legislation and administration of States should emanate 
from the freewill, the thoughtful and enhghtened con- 
viction of those to whom God has given the respon- 
sibility of power. Any departure from this line of 



conduct necessarily leads to disorder, confusion and 
evils much more insupportable than those which it 
pretends to cure. Convinced of this eternal truth, the 
sovereigns have had no hesitation in proclaiming it 
with frankness and vigour ; they have declared that, 
v/liile respecting the rights and independence of all 
legitimate j)Ower, they regard as legally void and un- 
authorised according to the principles which constitute 
the public law of Europe all pretended reforms effected 
by revolt and open force. They have acted in accor- 
dance with this declaration at Naples and in Piedmont, 
and in those events even which — in very different cir- 
cumstances, but by equally criminal combinations — 
had given up the eastern part of Europe to disorder. 
Tlie monarchs are all the more determined not to 
depart from this system, that they consider the firmness 
with which they maintained it, in an epoch so critical, 
to be the real cause of the success with which their 
efforts for the re-establishment of order in Italy have 
been crowned. The Governments of the Peninsula have 
proclaimed that they had nothing to fear for their poli- 
tical independence, the integrity of their territories, or 
the preservation of their rights, in begging for help, 
which was given to them on the sole condition that 
they should use it to defend their own existence. It 
is this reciprocal confidence which has saved Italy, and 
in tlie space of two months has arrested a confkigration 
which, without the intervention of the allied Powers, 
would have ravacred and ruined the whole of that 
beautiful country, and threatened for a long time the 
rest of Europe. 

Nothing has more effectually shown the force of the 
moral power which connects the salvation of Italy with 
the determinations of the monarchs than the prompt 


and liappy denouement of the revolt which had broken 
out in Piedmont. Conspirators, partly composed of 
foreigners, had prepared this new crime, and to ensure 
its success had put in motion the most detestable of all 
revolutionary measures, that of inciting against authority 
the armed force whose function it is to obey it and to 
maintain pubhc order. Victim of an inexplical^le 
treason (if an5^thing is to be called inexplicable while 
political crimes find voices to defend them in Europe), 
a sovereign justly enjoying the respect and afTection of 
his subjects is obhged to abdicate a throne which he had 
adorned with his virtues ; a considerable portion of his 
troops is dragged into the abyss by the example and 
intrigues of a small number of ambitious men ; 'knd the 
vulgar cry of the anti-social faction, echoing through the 
capital, reverberated in the provinces. The monarchs 
assembled at Laybach were not long in replying to this. 
Their union was strengthened and increased by danger, 
and their protecting voice was soon heard. When the 
faithful servants of the King saw tliat they were not 
abandoned, tliey employed all that remained to them of 
their resources to combat the enemies of their country 
and the national glory. Legitimate power, though 
hampered and paralysed in its action, was not tlie less 
mindful to maintain its dignity and its rights, and, help 
arrivino; at the decisive moment of the crisis, the 
triumph of tlie good cause was soon complete. Pied- 
mont was delivered in a few days, and nothing 
remained of a revolution which had reckoned on the 
fall of more than one Government but the shameful 
recollections carried away by its guilty authors. 

Thus, in following without deviation the principles 
established, and tlie line of conduct agreed upon in the 
first days of their meeting, tlie allied monarchs have 

Is N 2 


accomplished the pacification of Italy. Their principal 
object is attained. None of the proceedings concluded 
there have belied the declarations which truth and 
good faith had inspired. They have remained faithful 
under every trial that Providence had in reserve for 
them. Called more than all the other legitimate 
sovereigns to watch over the peace of Europe, to pro- 
tect it, not only against the errors and passions which 
might compromise the relations of one Power to 
another, but also against those fatal attempts which 
would deliver up the whole civihsed world to the 
horrors of universal anarchy — they* would feel that 
they profaned their august vocation by the narrow 
calculations of a vulgar policy. As everything is 
simple, plain, and open in the system which they 
have embraced, they submit it with confidence to the 
judgment of all enlightened Governments. 

The Congress which has just concluded is to re- 
assemble in the course of next year. It will then take 
into consideration the duration of the measures which, 
by consent of all the Courts of Italy, and particularly 
those of Naples and Turin, have been judged neces- 
sary to secure the tranquillity of the Peninsula. The 
monarchs and their Cabinets will approach the examin- 
ation of that question in the same spirit which has 
hitherto guided them. Motives of undoubted weight, 
and fully justified by results, determined the sovereigns 
to interfere in the affairs of Italy. They are far from 
wishing to prolong this intervention beyond the limits 
.of strict necessity, sincerely hoping that the circum- 
stances which imposed this painful duty upon them 
may never again occur. 

We have thought it useful, when the sovereigns 
.are about to separate, to recapitulate in the preceding 


paper the principles which have guided them in their 
late transactions. 

You are consequently charged to communicate this 
despatch to the Minister of Foreign Affairs at the Court 
to which you are accredited. 

You will receive at the same time a declaration 
{No. 554) conceived in the same spirit, which the Cabinets 
have had drawn up and printed in order to make 
known to the European public the sentiments and prin- 
ciples with which the august sovereigns are animated, 
and which will always serve as guides to their poHcy. 



(Supplement to No. 553.) 

554. Europe knows the motives which induced the 
alhed sovereigns to combine to suppress conspiracies 
and put an end to the troubles which threatened the 
general peace, the re-establishment of which has cost 
so many efforts and so many sacrifices. 

At the very moment when their generous determi- 
nation was accomplished in the kingdom of Naples, a 
rebelhon of a still more odious kind (if that were pos- 
sible) broke out in Piedmont. 

Neither the ties which for so many centuries had 
united the House of Savoy to its people, nor the benefits 
of an enlightened administration under a mse prince 
and paternal laws, nor the sad prospect of the evils to 
which the country would be exposed, could restrain the 
desiQ:ns of these instio^ators of rebellion. 

The plan for a general subversion was drawn up. 
In this vast combination against the repose of nations 
the conspirators of Piedmont had their role assigned to 
them. They have hastened to fulfil it. 

The throne and the State have been betrayed, oaths 
violated, mihtary honour despised, and neglect of every 
duty has speedily brought the scourge of all disorders. 

Everywhere the evil has presented the same cha- 
racter ; everywhere the same spirit lias directed these 
unhappy revolutions. 

Unable to find a plausible reason to justify them, or 
national support to sustain them, it is in false doctrines 
that the authors of these revolutions seek an apology ; 
it is on criminal associations that they found a still 
more criminal hope. To them the salutary control of 


law is a yoke which must be broken. They renounce 
the sentiments which inspire true patriotism, and sub- 
stituting for well-known duties arbitrary and indefinite 
pretences of universal change in the constituent prin- 
ciples of society, they prepare endless calamities for the 

The allied sovereigns recognised all the dangers of 
this conspiracy to their full extent, but at the same time 
they saw the real weakness of the conspirators behind 
the veil of appearances and declamations. Experience 
has confirmed their presentiments. The resistance 
which legitimate authority has met with has had no 
strength, and crime has disappeared before the sword of 

It is not to accidental causes, nor even to tlie feeble 
resistance made in the day of battle, that tlie speedy 
success must be attributed. This rests upon a principle 
more consoling and more worthy of consideration. 

Providence struck terror into consciences so guilty, 
and the disapproval of the people, whose fate was com- 
promised by these authors of mischief, made them drop 
their arms. 

Destined simply to combat and suppress rebellion, 
the allied forces, far from maintaining any separate in- 
terest, came to the assistance of the subjugated people, 
and the people regarded their aid as a support in favour 
of their liberty, not as an attack on their independence. 
From that time the war ceased ; from that time the States 
which rebellion had reached have been friendly to 
Powers which desired nothing but their tranquillity 
and well-being. 

In the midst of these grave conjunctures and in a 
position so delicate the allied sovereigns, togetlier with 
their Majesties the King of the Two Sicilies and the 


King of Sardinia, have tliouglit it indispensable to take 
measures of temporary precaution, such as were dictated 
by prudence and regard for the general safety. The 
allied troops, whose presence was necessary for the re- 
establishment of order, have been stationed at conve- 
nient points, with the sole view of protecting the free 
exercise of legitimate authority, and assisting it to efface 
the traces of these grave misfortunes. 

The justice and disinterestedness which have pre- 
sided at the deliberations of the allied monarchs will 
always regulate their policy. In the future, as in the 
past, its aim will ever be the preservation of the inde- 
pendence and the rights of each State as they are recog- 
nised and defined by existing treaties. The result of so 
dangerous a movement will yet be, under Providence, 
the strengthening of the peace which the enemies of the 
people endeavoured to destroy, and the consolidation of 
an order of things which will secure peace and prosperity 
to the nations. 

Moved by these feelings, the allied sovereigns, in 
fixing a limit to the conferences at Laybach, wished to 
announce to the world the principles which guided them. 
They are determined never to dejDart from them, and all 
lovers of peace will see in their union an assured guaran- 
tee against the attempts of the ill-disposed. 

With this object their Imperial and Eoyal Majesties 
have commanded their plenipotentiaries to sign and pub- 
lish the present declaration. 

Laybach, May 12, 1821. 

Austria : Metterxicii, Baron de Vincent ; 

Prussia : Krusemarck ; 

Russia : Nesselrode, Capo dTstria, Pozzo di Borgo. 



Metternich to the Emperor Francis. 

665. Hanover, Oct. 24, ]821. — True to my plan for 
the journey, I arrived here in good time on the 20th. 
I heard, when at Brunswick, that the King was con- 
fined to his bed with the gout. On my arrival I was told 
that this is only a slight attack, the consequence of a 
cold taken by his Majesty at the review of the troops. 

I found everything ready for my reception on the 
part of the King. I have also spoken to Lord Castle- 
reagh, and convinced myself that it is the King's wish, 
as well as his own, to bring about a thorough under- 
standing between the two Courts in the present crisis. 
The first conversation was sufficient to show that this 
agreement would be accomplished without difficulty. 

On the following day the King summoned me. He 
is residing at a country house which lies about the same 
distance from Hanover as Schonbrunn from Vienna. 

I found the King looking much better than I ex- 
pected. A well-known English arcaimm called ' Wil- 
son's Eemedy ' had already moderated the attack of 
gout. The King w^as lying in a chaiselongue in a rather 
fantastic Austrian hussar's coat. He wore the small 
crosses of the Austrian order. 

He received me Avith all the marks of pleasure, and 
at once began the conversation by assuring me that your 
Majesty had done him two great favours in life. The 


first — and lie pointed to the toison I always wear — tlie 
other that your Majesty had sent me to him. 

He now began a long speech, which certainly lasted 
half an hour, and was meant to impress me with the 
feeling of his attachment to your Majesty, whom he 
never mentioned without saying ' Our Emperor.' My 
personal praises followed in a Avay that only embar- 
rassed the man w]io was their object ; between which he 
did not fail to make the most violent personal attacks 
against the Emperor Alexander and still worse against 
Count Capo d'lstria. 

After these alternate attacks and laudations he came 
to the motives for my coming here. He began with 
a long recapitulation of the events of late years, in 
which he conceded the principal part to Austria, and 
ended with a frightful explosion against his own min- 
istry, especially against Lord Liverpool, but entirely 
excepting Lord Castlereagh, whom he described as a 
faithful, vigorous man, quite devoted to the good cause, 
as proof of which he concluded by saying, ' He under- 
stands you ; he is your friend : that says everything.' 

When the King had finished (and I guarded myself 
from interrupting him), I took care to return to every- 
thing he had said. I passed over his fierce attacks, and 
endeavoured to make him see the real position of affairs. 

The result was that we arrived at the same point of 
view ; the King became more calm, and expressed him- 
self with the greatest justice and propriety. 

After a conversation of more than three hours, he 
left me with the invitation to come to him when and 
how I should think well. He expressly reserved to him- 
self the further unfolding of his views on the position of 
affairs, foreign and domestic. 

I now first commenced a res^ular official nec^otiation 


with Lord Londonderry (Castlereagh). My courier from 
Vienna had arrived with copies of my last despatches 
to Constantinople and St. Petersburg, and I took these 
as the groundwork of our agreement. I have the satis- 
faction of assuring your Majesty that Lord London- 
derry, when I liad explained this basis, pronounced it 
so clear that he has adopted it unconditionally as the 
most reasonable and fitting. 

My business here may be divided into two parts. 
The course taken here with regard to tlie Turkish 
complication is so firm and consistent that we shall 
certainly be able to prepare a very difficult solution for 
their evil game. Lord Londonderry and I have sent a 
courier to Count Bernstorff, to summon him from Meck- 
lenburg, where he is just now. If he cannot come, I 
hope I shall meet him on my journey home. 

Count Lieven has not arrived, for what reason is 
quite unknown. We know that he left St. Petersburg on 
September 25, but at the first halt he would fii.d an 
invitation from the Emperor to go to him at Witepsk 
for the review, and as that may have detained him ten 
or twelve days, we expect him every hour, and I am 
very anxious for his arrival. 

My second object here is the home affairs. It is 
necessary to keep the ministry in their places, or if this 
is not practicable, at any rate to Teconstruct a ministry 
under Lord Castlereagh's leadership devoted to the 
cause, or to us, wliich is tlie same thing. 

In this critical question I quite agree with Lord 
Castlereagh's thoroughly right and judicious views. I 
hope to be able to support him with the King. That I, 
however, must keep within very precise limits, is a ne- 
cessitv of the case, for it can never be the true interest 
of one State to meddle in the home afl'airs of another. 


My part here, tlierefore, can go no further than to 
show myself an unselfish and calmly reflective friend of 
the good cause. My personal knowledge— which is, un- 
happily, only too great — of the obstructive character 
(combined as it is, however, with many talents) of Lord 
Liverpool, leads me to consider as a real benefit his 
leaving the ministry with a view to its recom position 
under Lord Londonderry as Premier. Our pohtical 
standpoint would certainly gain by England's taking a 
more vigorous grasp in the world's affairs. 

I confine myself to this prehminary statement of my 
attitude with regard to the business of the hour the 
more wilhngly as the result will be seen in but a 
few days. . . . 

Attachment to your Majesty's person and the whole 
Austrian system pervades every idea of the King. It is 
his great desire to visit Vienna in the course of the next 
year, and Lord Londonderry encourages the idea. If 
nothing unforeseen occurs, he will certainly come in 
June, and in July go to Carlsbad, then home by Berhn, 
Hanover, and Paris. From this short sketch your Ma- 
jesty will be satisfied that my relations here, pohtical 
and otherwise, leave nothing to be desired. 

My journey through the whole of Upper and Lower 
Saxony has afforded me every kind of evidence that the 
preservation of peace lies entirely in the hands of the 
Governments. The student affair has been so turned 
to ridicule that its political tendency would have quite 
disappeared if the least vigour had been shown in the 
matter of some notorious professors. But even these 
are only like the few branded logs in a huge pile. If 
the Greek affair succeeds, so much is for the moment 
gained that a very little help will put all right. 

The eyes of the well-disposed are everywhere turned 


on Austria ; every word of ours tells, and if, when tlie 
present political crisis reaches a moment of repose, we 
only vigorously bring forward our system in Germany, 
much jiood will ensue. I am able to make this assertion 
with the more confidence as princes and ministers pour 
in upon me from all sides, and beg from me orders 
rather than mere advice. 

I cannot yet point out the route by which I shall go 
back. At any rate I will return in the early part of 
November to Vienna. 

Metternich to the Emperor Francis, Hanover, Oct. 29, 1821. 

556. The King of England has set out on his jour- 
ney. He goes by Cassel, Marburg, Wetzlar, Coblenz, 
and Brussels. His health is quite re-estabhshed. 

I believe I have thoroughly attained the object of 
my journey. My agreement with Lord Londonderry is 
concluded. England takes the same ground as we do, 
and this in the following sense : —  

1. The two Cabinets consider the maintenance of 
peace between Eussia and the Porte as the most impor- 
tant object of their common efforts. To facilitate these 
they will leave nothing undone to enlighten Eussia as 
to the danger of a breach, at the same time calling upon 
the Porte for an exact fulfilment of the treaty and mo- 
deration in its demands. 

2. Since the unanimity of the declarations of the two 
Courts that exercise the most direct influence on the 
Porte wiU have a most salutary effect, the two Cabinets 
have drawn up one despatch to St. Petersburg and 
another to Constantinople, in which the above views 
are strongly and vigorously developed. These decrees 
are included in the despatch, and are drawn up with 
the care proper to remove from the Eussian Court the 


delusion that a conference (on their part) between the 
ministers is necessary for an agreement in fundamental 
views. Lord Londonderry's instructions, therefore, are 
grounded mostly on English, mine on Austrian, argu- 
ments. On both sides the conclusion arrived at is, the 
necessity that Eussia should maintain peace ; for, under 
present circumstances, the evils consequent on any poli- 
tical war would be incalculable. 

That the two PoAvers will exert their whole influence 
on the Porte to attain tliis all-important object ; but 
that it does not come within the province of the Powers 
to interfere with actual force in case of opposition 
being made ; that, lastly, the views which may be en- 
tertained by Eussia of the greatest possible strengthen- 
ing of the friendly relations between that Power and the 
Porte must be put forth by Eussia herself, and can in 
no way proceed from the allies. Li these sentences 
your Majesty will find the pure basis on which we take 
our stand thoroughly shared by England. My con- 
versations with Lord Londonderry had the good result 
of very much strengthening his language. Your Ma- 
jesty knoAvs the English ministry too Avell to doubt 
that the instructions to Bagot and Strangford would not 
have been nearly so precise as they are but for my 
co-operation. I have now the pleasure of pointing out 
to Eussia how much can always be done with England 
if one knows how to speak her language. 

With regard to the great question of the moment, 
I consider the result of my journey as all the more 
decisive as Count Lieven, who arrived here yesterday, 
has just left the Emperor Alexander, and, according to 
the first conversation Avhich Londonderry and I had 
with him, is quite convinced that that monarch will 
certainly maintain peace. Everything that I have heard 


from Count Lieven shows me that the Emperor Alex- 
ander still remains in the same mind that he was at 

My presence here has been of great advantage in 
another way : I hope, and believe, namely, that Lord 
Londonderry will be present at the Italian Congress next 

As to the home affairs of England, I believe I have 
put an end to much mischief. I have spoken out to 
the King Avith much freedom and loyally supported the 
ministry. I do not think that Lord Liverpool can 
maintain his position : if this is not possible (and his 
resignation in a good manner would be a happiness for 
England and Europe), the King at least remains. If this 
happens, Lord Londonderry concedes to me the whole 
merit of a result which can only act beneficially on our 
future standpoint. ... 

The presence of the King will have a very good 
effect here, although it does not amount to quite so 
much as it ought to have done. He Avould make a 
much better appearance if he could put aside certain 
peculiarities in his temper and manner. 

As to his attachment to your Majesty and to 
Austria's system, nothing more can be desired. He 
not only allows no opportunity to pass of making this 
feehng public, but he perhaps does too much in that 
way. At all his dinners the first toast which the Duke 
of Cambridge gives, is, of course, the King ; the second, 
proposed by the King, is your Majesty. With the first 
the band plays ' God save the King ; ' with the second, 
' God preserve the Emperor.' At state dinners, when 
the people Avere assembled beneath the windows, they 
accompanied these toasts with loud hurrahs, which 
were not more noisy for the King than for your 


Majesty. During the first toast the King remains 
quiet, and during the second his voice is louder even 
than that of his people. 

Count Bernstorff cannot come here. As I cannot 
meet him on my road, and as I have no object of any 
kind to induce me to travel by North Germany, I will 
take the route by Frankfurt, which is better for 
travelling, and will only make a difference of a few 
hours. I can thus stop at Cassel and see the Elector, 
visit the Duke of Nassau, and confer with the ministers 
there and at Darmstadt, and put many things in order 
for the next sitting of the Diet. Once at Biebrich, I can 
go for four-and-twenty hours to Johannisberg, and 
reach Vienna by November 12. By the other route I 
should reach Vienna on the 9th, but in this short delay 
I see no disadvantage worth consideration. 


Noticed and approved. 


Vienna, December 27, 1821. 



Metternich to Zichy, in Berlin, and to Lebzeltern, in 
St. Petei'sburg, Vienna, December 6, 1821. 

557. His Majesty's ministers should be informed 
that the Provisional Government in Piedmont have been 
occupied in carefully collecting exact data concerning 
the part which the Prince de Carignan is supposed to 
have taken in the revolution in that country ; that the 
result of this inquiry is very unfavourable to the Prince, 
who is seriously compromised by the depositions of 
several rebel officers ; but that, nevertheless, there is 
not sufficient positive evidence against him to bring him 
within the power of the law. These data have been 
corroborated to me on my return from Hanover, by 
Baron de Binder, who is here on leave. The conver- 
sations which I have had with that ambassador, while 
leaving me no doubt on this head, have at the same 
time enabled me to see clearly enough that King 
Carlo FeHce, who seems convinced of the cruilt of the 
Prince de Carignan, has not given up the idea of 
removing him from the succession to the throne, which 
he wishes to secure for his own son by a pragmatic 
sanction. I am even afraid, from the manner in which 
Baron de Binder expressed himself in telling me of the 
project which they attribute to his Sardinian Majesty, 
that this ambassador, when he was confidentially con- 
sulted at Turin, did not pronounce against the project 


as decidedly as he ought to have done. This hesita- 
tion may have been caused by the general persuasion 
at Turin, even among individuals who are most devoted 
to the King and the monarchical cause, that the Prince 
de Carignan has not held himself aloof from the 
revolution in his country ; that he was led away by 
some young ambitious mihtary men, who wished to 
play a part under the sanction of his name ; that, lack- 
ing entirely both temper and energy, he knew neither 
how to restrain or direct them, and has ended by dis- 
pleasing all parties. 

It is certain that when the heir presumptive to the 
throne is so weak as to allow hi-mself to be dragged 
into playing a part so derogatory to his person and his 
country, the friends of the monarchy must dread the 
moment when he will be called by Providence to reign ; 
we can imagine the general fear at the thought that 
the Prince de Carignan, when he ascends the throne, 
will most probably become the sport of factions and 
parties, and that his reign may be the era of new in- 
ternal troubles. There is, in fact, no doubt that the 
accession of the Prince de Carignan to the throne, after 
the part he played in the last revolution, may give just 
cause for anxiety. But, without deceiving ourselves on 
this point, we cannot discover in the fear of possible 
or even probable evil, any good reason for departing 
from those principles which the allied sovereigns have 
constantly professed ; or permitting ourselves to pre- 
judge a question so delicate as that of dej)riving Prince 
de Carignan of his right of succession to the throne, 
especially when there is no substantial proof of his 
guilt, so that he cannot legally be tried. It seems to 
me that the allied sovereicrns have neither the right nor 
the power to do so, and that in arrogating either to 


themselves tliey would give an example as dangerous 
as it is contrary to their principles. Such is, at least, 
our opinion on this important question, and as we 
think it well that it should be known to his Majesty's 
ministers, your Excellency is requested to allow this 
dispatch to be read by the Minister of Foreign Affairs.* 

* See Nos. 548-550. We know that the Prince de Carignan made use 
of his enforced absence from Italy to reinstate himself, for he took military 
service under the Duke d'Angouleme (1823), and so distinguished himself 
by personal bravery at the taking of Trocadero — the most brilliant exploit 
of the whole campaign — that a reconciliation took place between the Prince 
and King Carlo Felice. — Ed. 

O O 2 




Extracts from Metternicli's private Letters from January 5 to 

August 25, 1822. 

668. Power of custom. 659. The Vienna carnival. 560. Capo d'lstria's neg- 
ligence. 561. Alexander desires an interview with Metternich. 562. 
Dispute between General Foy and Count Castelbajac — Metternich's por- 
trait. 663. Canova'e ' Psyche and Amor.' 664. Contest between Capo 
d'lstria and Metternich. 665. Capo d'Istria to be King of Greece. 566. 
Tatistscheff to Vienna. 567. His arrival. 568. Confusion. 569. Nego- 
tiations with Tatistscheff. 670. State of the Grecian question. 671. 
Capo d'lstria's tactics. 572. Status quo. 673. The Italian opera in Vienna. 
574. Interruptions. 575. Oken's ' Urschleim.' 576. Tatistscheft^s de- 
parture. 577. Order for Neumann. 578. Five despatches at once — 
' Des Seductions Politiques ' de Lourdoueix. 579. The European army. 
680. Charm of the present position. 581. Londonderry. 682. Uncer- 
tainty of the arrival of the King of England in Vienna. 683. Birthday. 
684. Disentanglement of the Gordian knot. 685. Expectation of the 
result. 686. The Turks. 687. Success. 588. Tatistscheft"s arrival. 
689. Anticipated congress. 690. Between Baden and Vienna. 691-692. 
Tatistscheff' and Capo d'Istria. 693. The Emperor Francis in Baden. 694. 
Conclusion of the water-cure. 595. Capo d'lstria's Government. 696. 
German opera. 697. The Emperor Alexander comes : Capo d'Istria does 
not. 698. O'Meara's work — Napoleon's characteristics. 599. Transla- 
tion of O'Meara's lecture. 600. Londonderry's suicide. 601. The same 
continued. 602. Details from Stewart — desire for Wellington. 

558. Vienna, January 15, 1822. — The force of 
habit is so strong a power that one may come to take 
pleasure even in privations. I can quite comprehend 
chat a prisoner to whom freedom is given after twenty 
years of confinement will feel quite strange in the outer 
world when he no longer hears the rattle of his chains. 


It is remarkable how little is needed in order to act. 
The power comes of itself; will and memory are all 
that is necessary ; but just for this reason so few know 
how to act. That the public thinks everything grand 
and difficult arises from the way in which the great mass 
of the people looks at things. Some really think it so, 
others encouracfe the delusion in order to make them- 
selves safe in case success does not follow ; both these 
classes are active, and set great machines in motion ; but 
great machines are inconvenient and cumbrous things. 
There is always one essential point, and one only ; every- 
thing else is extraneous. Hence, if we go straight up 
to it, attack it, destroy it, or use it according to our 
needs, the enormous structure will disappear like smoke. 
This is, however, what most people do not do ; rather, 
they become alarmed, or they begin to depreciate the 
importance of the matter, or they attempt too much at 
once, and thus sink in the mud, and are stifled in it. 
What, then, shall I say of Capo d'lstria ? 

I remember, when I was a boy of seven years old, 
saying to one of my professors, ' Do you know what I 
think about the world ? The laws which govern it go 
exactly contrary to optical laws ; the closer you approach 
objects in the world the smaller they become.' My pro- 
fessor did not allow me to pursue this theme, and broke 
out in anger. ' My friend,' said he, ' you speak like an 
inexperienced youth ; with such principles you will 
never accomplish anything, and will always go wrong.' 

559. January 11. — The Court ball, which took 
place two days ago, gave me the opportunity of making 
some truly philosophical if not amusing reflections on 
the Vienna carnival. There 200 persons of both sexes, 
locked in each other's arms, turn constantly round from 
Twelfth Day to Ash Wednesday ; so that a sprightly 


pair may in tliis time make a distance of 400 miles, 
while another pair less nimble will perhaps accomplish 
only 200. When at last Ash Wednesday arrives, and 
the dancers separate, they are greatly astonished ,to 
find themselves in the same place from which they 
started. With us in Vienna, only our bodies turn, our 
heads not so easily, and only too frequently it happens 
that the mothers sadly discover in Lent that the 
vigorous waltzers on whom her motherly eyes lingered 
with especial hope had clasped her little daughters so 
tightly only to make the more sure of duly accomphsh- 
ing the 400 or the 200 miles. As I have nothing to do 
with this pirouetting, and watch all the bustle very 
calmly. Lent brings me no disappointment. But yet I 
find the carnival very tiresome, although I only use my 
legs to get over the ground, for nothing is so insup- 
portable to me as, a ball where not a corner is to be found 
to enjoy a quiet chat. And this is my destiny at the 
fetes at which I must be present. I grow weary and fly. 
It is really not worth while to set a whole orchestra in 
motion to produce such an effect. There is nothing so 
frightful as movement without object, and noise without 
interest. Vienna is now full of such movement and 
noise. For some time after the ball I always speak in 
cadences, and divide my sentences into eight periods, 
just like the waltzes with their eight-time. 

560. January 21. — The Eussian Premier still keeps 
us waiting for his decisions. What a confusion of ideas ! 
How mischievous is his example ! How it agitates 
men's minds, pours oil on the fire, and spoils the position ! 
Since the world began was there ever such a man ? And yet 
he will end just hke all the others who have gone before 
him, but who have not gone so far as he has by a long 
M^ay. But this end, the surest remedy for deep-seated 


evils, will it not come too late ? And before the dreamer 
is got rid of many things will have gone to rack and 
ruin. That the barrier is not yet demolished can only 
be explained by the equanimity of the Emperor Alex- 
ander ; but is this equanimity sufficient ? Will it never 
be broken through ? 

Nine-and-twenty years ago to-day Louis XyT. Avas 
executed. When I call to mind the share I then took 
in the world's affairs, I feel as if I must be a hundred 
years old. 

661. January 23. — To-day I have received very 
interesting accounts from St. Petersburg, which may 
explain the relations between the Emperor Alexander, 
and myself. Eeading alone, however, will not suffice ; 
one must also know. Health and disease can neither 
be written nor read. To judge of them one must see 
and examine. The Emperor Alexander wishes very 
much that I should come to him— an absolute impos- 
sibility. He desires only a few moments, but 1 am not 
master of a single one. Alexander is dying to be rid of 
the whole concern — an astonishingly easy matter, and 
I really think a tete-a-tete of a few days would be suffi- 
cient to attain this end. But even that short space of 
time is now an impossibility. Alexander inquires how 
then was it possible for me to go to see the King 
of England. This question a child might answer, but 
the Emperor Alexander is of all children the most 

Poor little Nesselrode wishes to send Strogonow to 
Vienna in place of Golowkin. He thinks I require an 
amiable man. How Httle he knows me. To get this 
fancy out of his head I wrote as follows : ' I have liked 
you for sixteen years ; I respect you ; you possess my 
confidence. If we meet we confide in each other. I 


believe in you and understand you. Now, are you 
amiable ? Not in the least, and you never make any 
pretension to be so. Therefore I beg you not to make 
me contradict myself.' I do not know that this language 
is amiable. I quite fear that it is not so, but it is to 
the point. 

662. February 9. — There cannot well be anything 
more scandalous than the debates in the French Cham- 
bers. What questions have been raised there ! How 
extraordinary was the dispute between General Foy 
and Count Castelbajac on fidelity. It has been left to 
the French to show that there can be two kinds of it. 
__The revolutionists attach the idea of place to that of 
fidehty, while the Eoyahsts connect it with the person. 
The latter are right, for I may assert that General Foy 
would not pledge his fidelity to the bed, but to the 
person, for otherwise any trifler would be faithful if he 
only always lay in the same bed. 

How can people enter into such absurd discussions ? 
And if anyone is so fortunate as to find an opponent 
stupid enough to start such a question, why is he not 
crushed with some sharp saying ? What a capital 
answer Castelbajac, the ex-Bonapartist general, might 
have given if he had only repeated the compliment 
which Napoleon paid to Segur when he met him in the 
Tuileries on his return from Elba. When Segur assured 
him of his unalterable fidelity, ' There are two kinds of 
fidelity,' answered Napoleon : ' the fidelity of the dog and 
the fidelity of the cat. You, gentlemen, have the fidelity 
of the cat, which never forsakes the house.' In Castel- 
bajac's place I would have asked General Foy whether 
he considers General Bertrand possessed fidelity or not ? 

One of the most wretched coryphcei of the doctrinaire 
party, Eoyer-Collard, informs the world that pubhc 


liberties are ' des resistances.'' I, for my part, believe 
that public liberties are health. Health is a much more 
positive thing than mere resistance of death, which is a 
negative force ; a kind of resistance which is only- 
disease, and is therefore neither health nor death. 
According to Koyer-Collard, an organised State might 
have arrived at the summit of perfection when disease 
was the basis of its existence ; up to this time I have 
thought that health was the best regimen, but it seems 
that I am only an Obscurantist or a fool. All this non- 
sense talked in a place which is thought an Areopagus 
brings me to anger and despair. My mind is disturbed 
by nothing so much as by pretension to intellectual 
power and its consequences — impudence, vanity, osten- 
tation, senselessness, and all the absurdities so boldly 
brought forward. Capo d'Istria takes Eoyer-Collard for 
a very deep thinker. I am so convinced that he con- 
siders me a blockhead that the conviction is the greatest 
consolation — the only one, too, which he can give me. 
If ever the day comes that he thinks me right, I shall be 

I have had my portrait taken very successfully. I 
have given the original to my mother, and am now 
having it copied. The workmen here are very slow, 
and there is no way of pushing them on, because they 
then punish one by working badly. 

663. February 10. — I have just received a group 
in marble by Canova, and had it put in my pavilion. It 
is a charming work of art, which only troubles me in 
one way — I do not know, that is, what the innocent and 
the prudish will say to them. The first probably 
nothing ; the second a great deal. This group was exe- 
cuted by Canova for Malmaison, and I believe the Em- 
peror of Eussia has bought it. I got Canova to make 


a copy of it himself. It is one of the most tender and 
at the same time one of the most vokiptuous creations 
of the artist. He has modelled the marble with love 
and grace. The group represents the first kiss that 
Amor gave to Psyche, and the two children kiss as if 
they had never done anything else. But whenever the 
very pure and innocent visit me I must hang a 
dressing-gown round Amor and throw a sheet over 
Psyche ; except on such occasions, however, I will leave 
them in their simple god-like forms. If these charming 
creatures did not w^eigh three-and twenty hundred- 
weight I would have them set on rollers ; but they are 
immoveable, and consequently faithful, like the cats and 
General Foy. I am delighted to think, therefore, that, 
in spite of his wings. Amor can never leave my house. 
These wings are a true work of art. In Eome there 
is an artist who only makes wings ; the first sculptors 
employ him, and it is quite extraordinary how delicately 
he handles the marble. 

564. February 22. — The famous courier from St. 
Petersburg has arrived, and he does not fall short of 
his predecessors, for he brings me only senseless double- 
meaning phrases, injurious to those who wrote them, 
having no relation to facts, and in thorough contradic- 
tion to all that lies before one's eyes : full of ' nonsense ' 
and badly written ; the outcome of all this rigmarole 
is — nothing. So, as I always said, this ' nothing ' is not 
war, for war is something. It is not necessary to trouble 
one's head much to understand that, and, as I am in the 
right after all, there is in this feeling a great compensa- 
tion for many annoyances. 

My answer will be, that I will not answer ; and of 
all answers that is the most decided. On this occasion 
as on so many others, facts must speak for themselves, 


and they have mostly quite another power than mere 
words. The misuse of words is a misfortune of our 
age. The perfection of man's wit will not succeed in 
building even a hut with mere words, and the most 
eloquent phrases will never shelter anyone from the 
rain though he may take refuge under a whole thesis. 
Capo d'Istria, too, will be wet to the skin — that I will 
answer for. The struggle between Capo dlstria and me 
is like the conflict between a positive and a negative 
force. Forces of like nature would neutralise each 
other ; and thus neither of them can prevail as long as 
one of them is not used up by friction. Now, I do not 
feel myself to have lost either weight or size ; but for 
such a contest what patience is needed I 

565. March 3. — Among the amusing incidents of 
the time is what has happened to the Emperor Francis. 
He has received a letter with the signature ' from a 
friend,' inviting him to propose Capo d'Istria as King of 
Greece. That Capo d'Istria himself has no share in this 
I am convinced, for he thinks only of a republic. But 
this absurd step is significant of his friends. I at any 
rate would give my vote for his being placed on the 
throne, for he would be certainly much better placed 
there than where he is. . 

A remarkable request has been made to me, which 
I should have mentioned before. Ali Pasha, of Janina, 
sent to me — when he found his possessions limited to 
that town, and was in daily fear of his rebellion against 
the Porte coming to an end — a confidential messenger 
with a letter in which, with many pompous commen- 
dations, he requested that I would send him a ' Con- 
stitution-maker.' Exclusively occupied with the welfare 
of his subjects, he had discovered tliat the best security 
for the happiness of his people lay in the bestowal of a 


Constitution ; that lie was convinced of this, but did not 
know what a Constitution really is, and therefore begged 
me to tell him of a person experienced in the matter. 
I gave the confidential messenger, a quite uncultivated 
Albanian merchant, my answer to the Pasha ; it contained, 
in a very few words, the assurance that I had no ' Consti- 
tution-maker ' at my disposal, but that, since AH Pasha 
did not himself knoAV what a Constitution is, I begged to 
advise him, in gratitude for the confidence reposed in 
me, that the best Constitution for the Pashalic would 
be subjection to the Porte. 

Janina had fallen before the Pasha's messenger re- 
turned to him.* 

566. March 5. — The bomb has burst ; it Avas filled 
with cotton-wool. I have this day received a courier 
from Lebzeltern informing me of TatistschefTs arrival.. 

Since no one knows what is to be done when the 
magazine of follies is exhausted, it is now desired to 
explain them. The man was chosen who came first to 
hand, for the simple reason that in Eussia nothing is so 
rare as a man. The expressions of the Emperor Alex- 
ander to myself personally leave nothing to be desired. 
My despatch of January 28 to Lebzeltern f has caused 
the bursting of the gun. It was certainly composed for 
that purpose, and the moment evidently was not badly 

Now the affair will go ofi"! It is time too. In what 
a position is the Emperor Alexander ! Since the world 
began nothing can be compared to the incredible cha- 
racter of his proceedings, and one will never be old 
enough not to live to see things which the boldest ima- 
gination could with difficulty conceive. 

• It is well known that Ali Pasha had been executed February 5, 1822, 
by Kurschid Pasha, and his head sent to Constantinople, which caused great 
rejoicing there, — Ed. t See No. 615. — Ed. 


567. March 6. — Tatistscheff has arrived. I saw 
him, and I hope that Capo d'lstria will be considered 
wrong. He is wrong before God, but he must also be 
so before man.* 

668. March 8. — I am now fighting with Tatistscheff. 
The good man is just hke an eel. Happily, I am an old 
fisherman ! 

Since the fall of Carthage no affair has been con- 
ducted hke this one. It is extraordinary that we must 
always be asking if people are misleading one, if they 
will fail one or act serviceably, what they will do, 
or what they will not do. Hence an Areopagus of the 
most loyal, upright, and far-seeing men of all times 
have to lose themselves in useless hypotheses. In 
the midst of all this, I have the feeling of not being 
mistaken myself, and of being able to point out what 
seems undefinable. 

At any rate, I shall do nothing to embarrass the 
matter still further ; I feel, indeed, that I shall clear up 
many things. . . . Whether anything happens or not 
will be decided by the small words Yes or No. I do 
not know a prettier word than the French oui^ and 
much prefer it to the German ja, which stretches the 
mouth so terribly. 

669. March 11. — I am working at some despatches 
and endeavouring to make my standpoint clear to the 
gentlemen. I think it is a good one, and unless I am 
much deceived, I shall bring the affair to a conclusion. 

If anyone could have overheard my conversation 
with Tatistscheff, he must think one of two things — 
either there was a wish to deceive me, or in his country 
it is not known what is desirable or feasible. The 

* See Nos. 616-621.— Ed. 


former would be too absurd to take into consideration ; 
the latter is so in harmony with my knowledge of the 
couniry that without hesitation I adopt it as correct. 

Tatistscheff must think that I am accessible to flat- 
tery, for he stuffs the censer right under my nose. But 
when one has lived so long as I have, one's nose is not 
very sensitive. 

670. March 22. — I have been two days fighting 
with the storm. In Greece they begin to be furious. 
Between Greece and Russia there is just now a relation 
hke that expressed by a certain Gascon nobleman : ' If 
you go forward, I will go back ; but take care ! for if 
you go back, I shall step forward.' This is the state of 
the affair, thanks to the Russian Premier. Although the 
thing will blow away like so much dust, yet it annoys 
me. Bad things occupy me day and night, while the 

.good take but moments. Capo d'Istria and a moment ! 
That does not rhyme. If I had to read through all that 
I have written during the last ten years, I should cer- 
tainly need four years and more for the work. 

671. March 27. — Capo dlstria wastes his life in 
trying to shove me to one side. After some months 
lost for the peace of the world, the Emperor Alexander 
in despair clapped both hands to his head, and came 
to me with the request that T would put its contents to 
rights for him. And this is the case again to-day. 
Capo d'Istria knows better than any man in the world 
how to complicate an affair, and the present one is so 
complicated that the Emperor Alexander can neither 
move backwards nor forwards. Since the month of 
June I have foreseen the thing, and even the very day 
when the head would again be brought for me to put 
in order. To-day, too, I must again begin the same 
labour which falls to me in every great affair. The 


whole tiling only commences to-day. Capo d'Istria has 
the fault of certain authors, who write an interminable 
preface before they touch the real subject of their work. 
The reader then expects something which he does not 
find in it : and inquires, at the conclusion of the work, 
for what purpose the preface was intended. 

The Emperor Alexander is certainly self-willed, but 
one must not forget that this self-will of his is of a 
grand style. 

572. April 3. — The affair is to-day as it was nine 
months ago. I can now see thoroughly through Ta- 
tistscheff. I know all there is in the man. Unhappily, 
I find there many empty spaces — which the good man 
imagines to be full. If people think to play the cun- 
ning with me, they are mistaken. This, however, has 
not been the case. The Emperor Alexander wants to 
find his way in a labyrinth, and begs the clue from his 
old Ariadne. 

573. Ajyril 8. — What a good episode m my hfe is 
the estabhshment of the Italian opera here ; it has at 
last succeeded, and I have gained a real and great 

I have been present at a rehearsal of ' Zelmira.' 
Everything in it is good : the music and the singers, and 
David is the first singer of his kind. He unites every- 
thing : a beautiful tenor voice with a depth and a com- 
pass that gives on the one hand the very idea and 
essence of manhood, and on the other has nothing of it. 
He takes, without effort, the upper C with the natural 
voice, and goes down with ease. His method is un- 
rivalled, and his execution perfect ; in a word, he leaves 
nothing to be desired ; and there are few things in this 
world on which I could venture to pronounce such a 


In the months of April, May, June, and July, we 
shall have ' Zelmh'a,' ' Corradino,' ' Moses,' ' Ehsabetta,* 
by Eossini ; a httle opera hufia by GeneraU ; and 
' Gabriella di Vergy,' by Carafa. The troupe consists, 
besides Colbrand (now Madame Eossini), of a charming 
singer, Ekerlin, who bears a German name ; beside 
Mombelli, David, Nazzari, Botticelli, Ambrogio, who are 
all one better than another — with the exception of David, 
who surpasses them all. At the head of all is Eossini 
himself, with an orchestra and chorus which astonish 
everyone. It may be supposed what delight this gives 
to a melomaniac like me. There are moments when 
the sunbeams penetrate the darkness of my prison, and 
so I feel most thoroughly. 

674. April 9. — My workroom is always like a 
headquarters. Every moment brings a new interrupter, 
and if work wearies me, still more do these perpetual 
interruptions. Habit does much for most things, and I 
possess that of not losing the thread which is every 
moment broken, but my head suffers very much in 
consequence. There are times when my poor head is 
so tired that I long to lay it down anywhere alone and 

575. April 11. — ... I suffer, too, from some 
follies, one of which is the sea. I love it as I love 
few things ; it seems to me always so beautiful, and 
it is a real misfortune for me to be obliged to live so 
far from the sea. And I cannot look from a bridge 
into the water without longing to jump in, but cer- 
tainly not from despair, for that is a feehng I do not 
know ; I never despair, probably because my hopes are 
not too elevated. My folly is the water, which I love 
immensely. One of our principal German Eadical 
professors has lately published a work in which he 


attempts to show tliat men proceed from water — i.e. 
that we were fish, and in time became men.* 

676. Tatistscheff is going back to St. Petersburg. 
I do not know what more I can say to him ; if he has 
not understood me, it is not my fault : but I feel as if he 
had understood me. I have persuaded Tatistscheff to 
have his portrait taken — not because I want to have it 
particularly, but to let the painter (Daffinger) make 
fifty ducats by it. It is a very good likeness. 

577. April 19. — I have obtained an order for 
Neumann ; it will please him, because it will show that 
I do not forget him. The order cannot give him a 
larger footing in the world. f Tatistscheff has just en- 
tered his travelling carriage. To me his departure is a 
weight off my heart. I have gladly laid aside business. 
Tatistscheff, too, has gone off very well pleased with me, 
which is, at any rate, better than the contrary. Capo 
dlstria will not agree, but how can one content the 

578. April 21. — If I have to send off one courier 
I must always send five. To all I say the same thing, 
it is true, but to be understood I must speak to each 
one in his own tongue. Only Capo dlstria is, in this 
respect, quite peculiar : since he speaks in order not to 
be understood, he has no occasion for refinements of 
meaning ; and never saying what he does mean, he also 
never says what he does not mean. That is the whole 
secret of these famous apocalypses. Two months ago 
an excellent work appeared in Paris, ' Des Seductions 
Politiques,' by Lourdoueix, a friend of mine — according 
to my ideas, the best history of the time that has yet 
been written. There is not in it one assertion to which 
I would not have subscribed. 

* Urschleim, by Oken (?). — Ed, f Neumann had very large feet. — Ed. 


579. April 20. — I have news of Tatistsclieff. He 
has met a courier (Russian) destined for London, where 
people will be frightened to death when they hear a 
European army spoken of ! The concern hangs together 
by means of a conspiracy formed by Capo d'lstria, 
Strogonow, and Pozzo di Borgo. About this conspiracy 
I care nothing ; I will break it up. The triumvirate 
may divide the world between them : one shall under- 
take Eastern, another Western Europe, and the third 
shall, according to the plan, hover equally over the 
whole. And in the midst is the Emperor Alexander ! 

To prevent the shrieks of Jupiter being heard by 
Saturn, care was taken that his cradle should be sur- 
rounded by drums. Here the opposite has been done ; 
the joke is, however, too bad. 

580. May 4. — Yesterday and the greater part of 
to-day I have been in Eisenstadt. Its glass-houses are 
some of the finest in Europe. Yesterday evening we 
had a concert there. In that enormous mansion the 
company consisted of only six persons. I do not un- 
derstand why I hear nothing from Paul Esterhazy. 
Londonderry will not know what to do, nor Wel- 
hngton ; they both wait till they know what I have 
done, or will not do. Thus do people endeavour to 
gain time ; and this is no great evil, for it is better to 
make no use of the passing day if it is not clear what 
ought to be done in it. Certain it is that out of Vienna 
no one knows how the affair really stands. Does any- 
one think Capo dTstria knows? Not in the least — no 
more than the Grand Vizier ! Does anyone think the 
Emperor Alexander is better informed ? God forbid ! 
All wish something, without knowing how the thing is 
to be got hold of ; and the peculiar charm of the 
position is that no one knows exactly how what he 


wants is to be attained. I know what I want, and 
what the others are able to perform. I am thoroughly 
armed ; my sword is drawn and my pen mended ; 
my thoughts are bright and clear as a crystal 
spring, while many people are now wading in turbid 

581. May 8. — A courier with despatches from 
Esterhazy has arrived to-day. It has happened in 
London just as I expected. The good people have 
fallen into a panic of fear. The difference between 
Londonderry and me is that he does not know, as I do, 
what the Emperor Alexander wants, and what Capo 
dlstria does not want. What the Emperor Alexander 
may do is something different, because Capo d'lstria 
cannot be prevented from entangling him in a net, and 
setting him up to his neck in the mud. Londonderry 
does not know all this, because he has not been much 
in contact with the Emperor Alexander. Many things 
in this world must be seen to be believed, and then, too, 
one must have good eyes to see that which really does 
exist. Our last views on the Spanish question of in- 
tervention must be well received in London.* But Lon- 
donderry will never understand the gist of the 
matter rightly, which is this, that the Emperor 
Alexander will have nothing to do with the Turkish 
question, and Capo d'lstria is horrified at the Spanish 
question. Capo d'lstria takes up the latter as a means 
of forcing the Emperor Alexander into the former. He 

* The following may serve to elucidate tlie matter. Tlie King of Naples, 
to please his nephew, the King of Spain, had applied to the allied Courts in 
order that these Powers might he induced to unite to protect the throne and 
people of Spain from the threatened catastrophe. Russia was prepared for 
intervention, hut only under the condition that this should he carried out 
by a European army, to which the five Powers should fua-nish contingents. 
Prince Metternich declared this condition inadmissible and impracticable. — 

P P 2 


now writes all his Eeports in the following extra- 
ordinary form : ' You see that the Emperor Alexander 
is going wrong ; he is going to meet ruin, and you will 
go with him. You have only to choose between two 
evils ; I beg of you, therefore, to choose the less.' 

Again, another case, in which Londonderry and I 
go quite different ways. He breathes fire and flames ; 
but I say, ' Very well ; come now, we will talk the 
matter over.' Londonderry will have a memorandum 
written to point out that what is absurd cannot be 
reasonable. I, on the contrary, think it sufficient to 
send quite a little card of invitation, in which certainly 
' an answer will oblige ' is not left out. Under these 
circumstances Capo d'Istria may say to his master : ' See 
what people you have to do with ! Propose what you 
may, you will never get hold of them ; while you (the 
Emperor) will always be caught. Give up your friend- 
ship for their system, which is only an absurdity. Let 
every man bake his own cake, and do you bake yours. 
Let us go forward : fame and glory await us in 

Now, if anything can save the Emperor Alexander 
and the cause of sound manly sense, it will be the card 
of invitation, and not the memorandum. 

I do not know whether I am a fool, but certainly I 
am surrounded by them. It would be only polite of 
me to become a fool too — if I am not one already. 

582. May 13.— Whether the King of England 
will really come here I do not know. Stewart writes 
to me that he does not quite beheve it, and he may be 

The decision is close at hand. On April 30 Tatist- 
scheff arrived at St. Petersburg. My last news are 
down to the 29th. The next will bring the disclosure. 


I send this, however, without waiting, by a fresh 
courier, with some rather interesting accounts from 
Greece. Capo d'Istria is wroth with me, whicli I think 
very natural He comphiins tliat in my thoughts I 
separate him from the Emperor, ahhough they are 
always one. As proof of this. Capo d'Istria assured 
Nesselrode that the Emperor desires something quite 
different from what he desires ; and this they call 

583. May 15. — Against this day (my birthday), 
without which I should not have been, I have only one 
charge to bring — that it akeady has taken with it a 
great number of years. 

According to my latest news from Lebzeltern, affairs 
go on strangely in St. Petersburg, but not badly. 1 
say not badly, because the Emperor Alexander deserves 
something different from his minister. How can these 
two people hang together so long ? All the world is 
astonished at it but me. 

684. May 20. — I have prepared a long and 
difficult work for Turkey, where they begin to go on 
quite tolerably. If the Gordian knot is disentangled, I 
may flatter myself with having accomplished a very 
great work quite alone. 

686. May 22. — I am now in a most extraordinary 
position. I have nothing to do. I await results on 
all sides, and hence I have not to talk or write to 
anyone. However, I am not dull ; I am like old 
Kaunitz, who, when the beautiful Madame de Witt 
said to "him that she did not know what dulness was, 
answered, ' I have this in common with you, Madame, 
that I am not dull myself, but I suffer much from the 
dulness of others.' Not to be dull and to enjoy are 
two very different things. Separated from my family, 


I have no family life, to which the greatest pleasures of 
life belong. I have indeed my two gardens, the sun, 
and the Italian Opera, which is certainly something, but 
yet not happiness. 

I often make parties to the country, which always 
consist of fourteen or eighteen persons. The neigh- 
bourhood of Vienna offers many occasions for such 
excursions ; it is only necessary to drive a mile [Ger- 
man] in any direction to find oneself in a beautiful 
country. It is a good side of society here that all feel 
in the same family circle. If a stranger joins the party, 
he feels hke a child of the house ; he has no need 
to think what he will do — others do that for him. 
Politics are always kept at a distance and nothing 
reminds one of them, unless it be the occurrence of some 
great event. To-day I go to bed without being sleepy, 
and I will read two or three chapters of Livy, which I 
have already gone through five or six times. I thus 
take rest from the scribbling of Abbe de Pradt and 

686. May 26. — I have news of the Turks ; these 
people are not so stupid as the world believes or might 
believe, and as many wish to make one believe. I have 
reports from St. Peterburg which shew me that I am 
not mistaken. On the contrary, I see that I have 
judged my people well, and more cannot be required 
of me. Capo dTstria is quite calm again, and, moreover, 
will ruin himself. I accept no miracles now, but if I 
must do so, I would admit that Capo dTstria is stronger 
than nature. 

My accounts from St. Petersburg come down to 
the 11th. In the Cabinet the contest has begun, which 
was sure to happen, because I knew what I was doing. 
I am certain that the Emperor Alexander has never 


heard the language of his country spoken with sucli 
sincerity as I have caused him to hear it through 
Tatistscheff. Since Capo d'Istria does not speak this lan- 
guage, since, on the contrary, he uses a language foreign 
to the country and to its interests, a conflict must take 
place — a conflict which will end only mth the one or 
the other party. ' The pure language of reason must at 
last prevail. If ever there be a liquidation in Eussia, 
we shall see a moral bankruptcy, such as History has 
never seen ; that bankruptcy will bring with it the 
most natural and truest interests of Eussia. If this 
failure of the leading ideas of the day occurs — and it 
must occur — I shall have proved to the world what the 
will of one man can do, a will which rests on the 
simplest basis of common sense. 

587. May 31. — A courier fi'om Lebzeltern has 
arrived during the last week. The suit is won, and that 
so thoroughly tliat perhaps no one else knows that it 
has taken place.* 

Tatistschefl" returns in a few days. The Emperor 
Alexander has received all my Eeports ; Capo dTstria is 
ready ; Eussia plays a wretched part. Therefore I 
will show that I can be a prudent, ^vise, and firm 
friend. I will do for the Emperor Alexander what the 
fools and rogues have not been able to do. I do not 
to-day think of Austria : that is not necessary ; one must 
help those who need it, and therefore come to the help 
of the Emperor Alexander. But what people they are 
in St. Petersburg ! Mere masks that must be known to 
know what they hide. The following maxim, taught 
me by experience, has to-day been again verified : Not 
romance, but history ; not belief, but knowledge. 

• See ' Victory of the Austrian Cabinet,' Nos. 622-626. 

584 EXTRACTS FRo:\t metternich's private letters. 

I can imagine the face that Londonderry makes at 
it. He must feel as happy as a man who is going down 
under an avalanche. He is a fool if he does not consent 
to what I have proposed, which, moreover, everyone 
must do who has honourable feeling and honest views. 
Equilibrium would othermse be destroyed, which would 
enormously increase the evils. Capo dTstria does now 
what he did during the Neapohtan question : he is silent. 
There are times when confused ideas and wiredrawn 
phrases only cause delay, but bring no consequences ; 
other times, again, when they bring ruin and disgrace 
— and such a time is the present. 

588. June 11. — Tatistscheff has just arrived. I will 
meet him, because I want to know how the weather- 
cock stands ; then I will return to my moral repose. 

689. June 14. — I have despatches from St. Peters- 
burg and London ; the first are very plain, for they put 
the whole affair in my hands. 

The Emperor Alexander will be w^th us in the 
beginning of September. I hope Londonderry has 
courage enough to come, but I foresee that he will 
hesitate ; the reasons for his coming are, however, so 
weighty that his non-appearance would be a folly : a 
sad but true word. He will receive from Eussia and 
Berlin the same invitation as from us. 

In St. Petersburg they are astonished that Tatist- 
scheff should for once have taken the straig-ht road : he 
foUows the direction of his own interests, and follows it 
well, because he is a cunning fellow. What few people 
understand is the advantage which can be taken of 
cunning people ; I, for my part, have never feared 
them even if they are clever. As an opponent, 
only a thoroughly honourable man is difficult to con- 


There is an enormous difference between rowing and 
steering. How many statesmen have mistaken their 
business — so many take the oar whose business is with 
the rudder ! Everything in this world is but a ' simple 
story,' * and one may be sure that the more intricate 
a matter looks the simpler it really is. I am a man 
not at all stiff-necked, but very persevering ; nothing 
will make me deviate from my principles, and there- 
fore I am an extremely inconvenient minister to my 

690. Baden, June 17. — I came here yesterday 
evening. Tatistscheff followed me to-day. We go 
backwards and forwards between Vienna and Baden 
without making a trouble of it on either side. Our 
aim is to save time, and to do well what must be done. 
My position again is very remarkable : I am at the centre 
as the chief motive power in an affair which is 
quite simple, but has been for months embarrassed by 
unreason and unjustifiable measures. How different 
would everything have been if my Eeport had been 
accepted at first instead of at last ; that, however, was 
not Capo d'Istria's purpose. 

691. Vienna, June 19. — Tatistscheff is like my 
shadow. I work, too, a great deal. The Emperor Alex- 
ander wants to know what I think, and I consider it my 
duty to conceal nothing from him. 

Capo d'lstria plays sometimes the part of a mouse in 
a hole, sometimes that of the watching cat. If the 
affair is going contrary to his wishes, he squeaks in his 
hole ; if there are any difficulties, the cat shows her 
claws. To behave so is not worthy of a great man who 
has fifty milhons of men behind him. 

* Refers no doubt to Mrs. Inchbald's Simple Story, published 1791. 
— Tr. 


592. July 1. — Capo d'Istria is quite out of the affair, 
but still there. He counts on time, like me. So far he 
has been mistaken, but I have not : he will still go 
wrong, but I pray God to keep me from. that. 

Tatistscheff feels the necessity of going right so 
strongly that he does so. My talent has consisted in 
bringing him to a position from which he cannot 
deviate without breaking his neck — and the good man 
loves his neck. 

593. Baden, July 2. — The Emperor Francis arrived 
here yesterday, which is very agreeable to me, because 
it will save me ten or twelve hours in the week. Like 
me, he expects his fate here. We shall know, in ten 
days or a fortnight, what are the intentions of the 
Emperor Alexander. What he intends we know, but 
we must learn the time he proposes. I take the middle 
of September for the date : I wish Londonderry may 
be here by the end of August. I hourly expect news 
from L